<p>2022 was another year that bore testimony to the fact that when it comes to matters of gender inequality and gender violence in the everyday, Kerala had yet another innings at not daring to dream of change, but of buttressing social inertia with studied reluctance and privileged insolence, in order that nothing would upset its staid and conservative mores or topple the apple carts of its benevolent patriarchy. Of course, feminists or ‘feminichies’, as they are ‘lovingly’ called had another year of vociferous debates, critically and rigorously engaging with many of the events that unfolded in the social milieu, even while issues like the sexual harassment case against Civic Chandran brought to the fore ideological faultlines that divided the camp and created acrimonious and sometimes vitriolic debates. The reluctance to see that feminisms is also about multiplicity, difference, and ‘differance’, that each reaction to an oppression need not run the same course as any other, and the insistence that one’s feminist credo was the one and truly “correct” one led to a fair amount of heartburn and divisiveness that challenged sorely needed feminist solidarities.</p><p>The human sacrifice of two women, their bodies cut to pieces and buried after gory rituals, which shocked the conscience of Kerala’s public sphere, nevertheless brought to the fore the pernicious conservatism and superstition ridden underbelly that hides in and haunts its literate surface and civil society engagements. Kerala’s endogamous big fat weddings that legitimise dowry, while diligently stabilising caste and class and conservative religious mores belie its much-touted renaissance values. The Supreme Court judgement on women’s entry into Sabarimala and the ensuing menstrual debates and feminist activism that created a huge neo-conservative backlash testify to the half-baked project of Kerala’s modernity and the false bravado of its enlightenment project while busting the myth and mystique around its gender investments. Yet, women are coming out, as never before in Kerala, to question its benevolent patriarchy, to claim spaces in its emergent digital public spheres, muddying male logic and its mansplaining practices with multiple kinds of online and digital women-speak. Young women have begun challenging the overarching burden of carrying mainstream definitions of feminism, bringing their own lived experiences and their individual resistances to chart their journeys of everyday resistance. That said, gender migration from Kerala seems on the rise, many young women and sexual minorities choosing to run away from the unbearable oppression of its mundane conservatism.</p><p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/human_sacrifice_9ab5691aeb.jpg" alt="human-sacrifice.jpg"></p><p>Kerala’s journey on its exemplary trangender policy, along with iconoclastic moves for gender reforms such as transgender reservation, while continuing to be ridden by pitfalls and issues, often revealing the yawning gap between the cup and the lip, nevertheless saw the year offering an ‘Idam’ or space to sexual minorities, making many general hospitals in the state transgender friendly. The novel drive for ‘gender-neutral’ (unisex would have been more appropriate) uniforms in the state, was caught up in the problematics of the nomenclature, with the government backing away hastily after conservative religious outfits expressed their moral outrage at the move. Once again orthodoxy and reactionaryism would triumph over politics and perception, even as forlorn civil society protests would be bulldozed under the sheer mass power of the moral majority vote bank. Kerala’s higher education portals have ambitious syllabi on ‘Gender and Sexuality’ and ‘Queer Studies’, leaving many wondering as to what the sum and substance of student takeaway from these classes in a society would be, where the fact that gender is a spectrum and not a binary seems to have been the least of intellectual or social concerns.</p><p>Yet, hope bloomed sometimes in mass dream machines. Kerala’s most potent schools of misogyny have been its popular culture industry. After the success of the Great Indian Kitchen which offered a sneak peak into rotting mess of Malayali kitchens, films like Jaya Jaya Jaya Jaya Hey, while having many inherent ideological issues at its core, had audiences cheering when the female protagonist, a wife at that, beat the male hero husband to pulp. Long have been the years when Malayalam Cinema had audiences, both men and women, burst into applause as one superstar after another mouthed crassly misogynist dialogues or slapped heroines into coy submission, awakening them to new forms of feminine bliss. That spectatorial pleasures had changed, and the spectacles of colossal male machodom were coming undone at the seams, yielded fresh hopes for the future, both for Malayalam Cinema and the viewing public.</p><p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/jaya_jaya_hey_fe06f87da2.jpg" alt="jaya-jaya-hey.jpg"> Movie Poster of Jaya Jaya Jaya Jaya Hey</p><p>2022’s mixed bag of gender equality for women Kerala, its violence and gaps exacerbated by the pandemic, nevertheless holds the promise of a new dawn. A dawn that will hopefully exorcise the new age shadow pandemic induced by the age old and deadly virus of patriarchy, one for which a new generation of ‘she, he and they’ will strive to invent more potent vaccines.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"><a style="background-color:transparent;box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(255, 53, 36);display:inline-block;margin:0px;padding:0px;transition:all 0.4s ease 0s;" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/mono/10.4324/9781003314653/affective-feminisms-digital-india-meena-pillai?_gl=1*1eax1ey*_ga*MTkxNTgyMjk4OS4xNjY1MjQ1ODM0*_ga_SR2P22QVQQ*MTY3MjIwOTAyOC4xLjEuMTY3MjIwOTg0Ni4wLjAuMA..%20https:%2F%2Fwww.routledge.com%2FAffective-Feminisms-in-Digital-India-Intimate-Rebels%2FPillai%2Fp%2Fbook%2F9781032322834"><em style="box-sizing:border-box;margin:0px;padding:0px;"><i><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;"><u>Link to Prof. Meena T Pillai’s Book</u></strong></i></em></a></p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">&nbsp;</p><hr><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"><span style="color:rgb(255,197,80);"><span style="box-sizing:border-box;margin:0px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Subscribe to our channels on </strong></span></span><a style="background-color:transparent;box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(255, 53, 36);display:inline-block;margin:0px;padding:0px;transition:all 0.4s ease 0s;" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://www.youtube.com/c/THEAIDEM"><span style="color:rgb(255,197,80);"><span style="box-sizing:border-box;margin:0px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;"><u>YouTube</u></strong></span></span></a><span style="color:rgb(255,197,80);"><span style="box-sizing:border-box;margin:0px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;"> &amp; </strong></span></span><a style="background-color:transparent;box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(255, 53, 36);display:inline-block;margin:0px;padding:0px;transition:all 0.4s ease 0s;" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://chat.whatsapp.com/ELqD1D1bImgAP6MrG8jskq"><span style="color:rgb(255,197,80);"><span style="box-sizing:border-box;margin:0px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;"><u>WhatsApp</u></strong></span></span></a></p>

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2022 was another year that bore testimony to the fact that when it comes to matters of gender inequality and gender violence in the everyday, Kerala had yet another innings at not daring to dream of change, but of buttressing social inertia with studied reluctance and privileged insolence, in order that nothing would upset its staid and conservative mores or topple the apple carts of its benevolent patriarchy. 

Gendering 2022 – Dare to Dream?

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Saeed Naqvi on UP Elections | Part 2

<p><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255);color:rgb(85,85,85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;display:inline !important;float:none;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;orphans:2;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Senior political journalists of Lucknow analyze the UP elections with The AIDEM.</span></span></p>

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Senior political journalists of Lucknow analyze the UP elections with The AIDEM.

UP Political Journalists Predict Setback for BJP | Part 2

<p><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255);color:rgb(85,85,85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;display:inline !important;float:none;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;orphans:2;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">The Kashi-Vishwanath temple’s mahant Rajendra Prasad Tiwary’s stinging comment —“Ye log dharma ke vyapari hain (These people are the merchants of religion)”—was aimed at none other than &nbsp;Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his courtiers. Tiwary had said these words specifically referring to the Kashi Vishwanath corridor, a new pathway to the temple of which he is the pujari , inaugurated recently by Modi with much fanfare . For the Bharatiya Janata Party ( BJP) governments at the Centre and in the State of Uttar Pradesh , the new pathway was an instrument to etch the names of their leaders , including Modi and Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath in the history of the ancient town and its holy temple . They claim to have made the “ way to Lord Shiva &nbsp;“ smoother and easier for devotees . But for people like Tiwary and hundreds of other “ messengers of God “ in Varanasi, &nbsp;the pathway , which was built demolishing hundreds of smaller temples and historical buildings , including &nbsp;libraries dating back to several centuries , is a symbol of crass commercialisation and kitsch absolutely adverse to the tradition and culture of Varanasi .</span></span></p><figure class="image"><img alt="C0572T01-768x432.jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/C0572_T01_768x432_e043de98e1.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_C0572_T01_768x432_e043de98e1.jpg 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_C0572_T01_768x432_e043de98e1.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_C0572_T01_768x432_e043de98e1.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">And indeed , &nbsp;voices of rebellion such as the ones of mahant Rajendra Prasad Tiwary’s , are deeply ingrained in the social ,cultural political and academic fabric of Varanasi since time immemorial. That it has come in the midst of an intense political campaign in the town for the last and final phase of the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections ,scheduled for March 7 , adds greater significance to the continuation of this historical stream of dissent .</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">On his part , the Prime Minister has been doing everything at his command to save his prestige in Varanasi , the constituency he represents in the Lok Sabha; Road shows, door to door campaigns, rallies and of course his trademark rhetorical &nbsp;speeches. Apparently, he feels that a poor show of the BJP candidates in the assembly elections in this part might jeopardize his future prospects.Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath is another mahant—mahant of the Gorakhnath temple—depending on Narendra Modi to salvage the situation so that he (Yogi) could retain power in Uttar Pradesh. As many as 54 assembly seats are scheduled for polling on March 7 in Varanasi region—part of what is also known as the eastern Uttar Pradesh .</div><figure class="image"><img alt="C0569T01-768x432.jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/C0569_T01_768x432_64d8df144a.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_C0569_T01_768x432_64d8df144a.jpg 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_C0569_T01_768x432_64d8df144a.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_C0569_T01_768x432_64d8df144a.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">This region is mired in poverty, backwardness, deprivation and inequality. But it is Varanasi—known as Kashi in the Vedic and post-Vedic literatures—that has been the seat of the high level of creativity, nuanced discourse in spiritualism, metaphysics and literature ever since its inception. Be it Shaivism, Vashnavism, Buddhism, Islam, right and left wing political philosophies—Varanasi has given space to everyone but has never allowed anyone stream or individual to conquer and dominate it. The history of Varanasi is full with the seers, saints, poets and writers challenging orthodoxy over the centuries and decades.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">The rebellion against the then Brahmanical orthodoxy comes to the fore in this couplet of Tulsi Das , author of RamcharitManas: “Maang ke khaibo, Masit mein rahibo, Lebai ke ek and debai ke dou (I will eat by seeking alms, will live in a mosque, neither I have to take anything from you nor I am supposed to give anything to you). Researchers have interpreted Tulsi Das’s words as his rejection to the orthodox Brahmin priests who didn’t give him recognition for writing in the people’s language of Awadhi as against Sanskrit that they thought as the only godly language.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">It was Munshi Premchant—by far the greatest of the Hindi novelists born and brought up at Lamahi, a village in the vicinity of Varanasi—who wrote in 1930’s: “ &nbsp;Communalism feels shy in coming alone; it comes clothed in nationalism”. It was at Akbarpur—close to Varanasi that the iconic Socialist leader, Ram Manohar Lohia was born . His early experiments with his unique brand of socialism had also its beginnings in &nbsp;this region. Incidentally, the Samajwadi Party that has emerged as the prime challenger to the BJP has built its political edifice on Lohia’s philosophy. Lohia was known for his trenchant rebellion against the entrenched power represented by the Congress then.</div><figure class="image"><img alt="C0567T01-768x432.jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/C0567_T01_768x432_0542249adf.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_C0567_T01_768x432_0542249adf.jpg 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_C0567_T01_768x432_0542249adf.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_C0567_T01_768x432_0542249adf.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">It was at the Kashi-Vishwanath temple where Bismillah Khan—a devout Muslim who religiously did his namaz five times a day—found the right ambience to hone his skill and mastery over the musical instrument of shehnai . Khan Saab took his art to its highest glory in the world. He stayed indebted and devoted to Lord Vishwanath, the Ganga and the ambience for whole life.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">Way back in 6th century BC a prince from Lumbini (Nepal), Siddharth Gautam Buddha acquired enlightenment at Bodhgaya (Bihar) and gave his sermons rooted in rebellion against the Vedic order at Sarnath in Varansasi. And Kabir—the saint poet from Varanasi—attacked orthodoxy in the manner only he could have done: “Je tun babhan Babhni jaya, aani dwar kah-e na aaya; je tum turk-turkini jaya,bhtr-e khatna kah-e na karaya (If you claim distinctness on the basis of being a Brahmin why didn’t you came in this world from a distinct route; if you claim to be a Turk-Muslim why did you not get circumcised in your mother’s womb)”.</div><figure class="image"><img alt="C0638T01-768x432.jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/C0638_T01_768x432_8939e605c2.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_C0638_T01_768x432_8939e605c2.jpg 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_C0638_T01_768x432_8939e605c2.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_C0638_T01_768x432_8939e605c2.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">Banaras or Varanasi has been full of the vision for new possibilities. The former Prime Minister, Late Atal Bihari Vajpayee was rejected from Mathura in Lucknow in his first election in 1957. But he made his debut in the Lok Sabha from Balrampur—part of the larger Banaras region. The region saw immense possibility in Vajpayee very early. Varanasi’s vision in seeing new possibilities gets reflected in poet Feraq Gorakhpur’s verse,”Teray kadmon ki aahat pahle him hum bhaanp leteay hain; Tujh-e ai jindagi hum door se pahchant lete hain (We notice your footsteps very early! O life! I understand you from quite afar)”.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">Thus when the Kashi-Vishwanath Mahant Rajendra Tiwary challenges as powerful a person as Modi and his acolytes he keeps up to the rebellious tradition of Varanasi. (Ye log Banaras ko maal bana rahe hain,yeh sadhna ke sthali hai (These people—read Modi,Yogi and likes—are morphing Varanasi into an abode of consumers and consumerism. It is the land of penance and devotion)”.</div><figure class="image"><img alt="C0580T01-768x432.jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/C0580_T01_768x432_50045fb1ca.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_C0580_T01_768x432_50045fb1ca.jpg 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_C0580_T01_768x432_50045fb1ca.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_C0580_T01_768x432_50045fb1ca.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><p><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255);color:rgb(85,85,85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;display:inline !important;float:none;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;orphans:2;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">It’s hard to tell how long NarendraModi will represent Varanasi in the Lok Sabha. But what is very clear is his style of politics—interpreting Hindutva as designed by the Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh and othering the minorities—is antithesis to what Varanasi has represented over the centuries .</span></span></p>

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The Kashi-Vishwanath temple’s mahant Rajendra Prasad Tiwary’s stinging comment —“Ye log dharma ke vyapari hain (These people are the merchants of religion)”—was aimed at none other than  Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his courtiers. 

Hard for Modi to Stamp ‘Hindutva’ in Varanasi—Land of Rebellion and Creativity

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Modi’s BJP is Far Away From Vajpayee” Sudheendra Kulkarni , Viswanath Pandey .

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Aspirations of the Young Rising Above the Caste Equations

<div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">In terms of pure electoral arithmetics the results to the five assembly elections – in Uttar Pradesh , Uttarakhand , Punjab , Manipur and Goa – &nbsp;underscores the continuing march of Hindutva politics as represented by the Bharatiya Janata Party ( BJP). The BJP is set to form the government in four out of these five States , with clear majority in Uttar Pradesh , Uttarakhand and Manipur while it has to draw support from independents and smaller parties in Goa . But at the same time , the results have also underscored the steady resistance being put up by regional forces in the form of the stupendous victory of the Aam Aadmi Party ( AAP) in Punjab and the spirited fight of the Samajwadi Party (SP) in Uttar Pradesh . The election process has also heralded virtual demise of the grand old party of India Congress, suffering heavy loses across all the five States . Once prominent regional parties like the &nbsp;Akali Dal and the Bahujan Samaj Party have also met the same fate .</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">Historically , Punjab been the gateway to the ‘karvan (procession)’ of the diverse streams of culture, civilization, ideas, stories and politics for centuries that has made what is known as Hindustan or India or Bharat today. The same Punjab is seeing &nbsp;today the rise of Arvind Kejrival with his novel experiments in politics . By all indications , it appears to have the potential to travel down to other northern and western Indian states such as Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat. A dominant factor that spurred its rise in Punjab was the aspirational young generation getting disenchanted with the traditional parties and looking for a solution driven one approach to politics. Winning a phenomenal 92 seats out the 117 &nbsp;seats in Punjab Kejriwal’s Aam Admi Party (AAP) has emerged as the first regional party in post Independent India to take over a second state in a matter of 10 years since its inception.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">While there is merit in the opinion of some political pundits highlighting the BJP’s show in Uttar Pradesh as a ‘booster dose” for the saffron party , a closer look at the voting trends also points to the bigger gains made by the Akhilesh Yadav led SP in terms of voting percentage points , though the SP led alliance could win only 125 seats against the BJP led National Democratic Alliance’s ( NDA ) 273. The BJP and its allies had 325 seats in 2017. On the other hand, the Samajvadi Party had barely 43 seats and thus, it is has registered a threefold rise in its legislative strength.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">Back to the comparison between the BJP and the AAP, the AAP’s political philosophy is entirely based on the delivery of the services, schemes and solutions to the people with perfection and speed whereas the BJP has combined welfare schemes with Hindutva and nationalism to increase its sway.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">The AAP’s policy—which has the stamp of Arvind Kejriwal—has penetrated deeper in the psyche of the voters first in Delhi and now in Punjab. On the other hand, the BJP has the reasons for worries in future with the aspirational voters agitating for employment and livelihood showing faith in Akhilesh and turning to his party. Even if not to his satisfaction, the farmers’ stir has enervated Hindutva to some extent uniting the Hindus and Muslims that has added to the rise in the seats and vote share for the Samajwadi Party all across Uttar Pradesh. In all regions of Uttar Pradesh – western , Awadh , Bundhelkhand and Poorvanchal – the SP vote share Chas risen to the tune of 15 to 17 percent . Indeed the NDA too has registered a three and a half percent rise in vote share as compared to 2017 polls . It has got 45 percent vote this time . In comparison the SP has risen from 21.8 percent five years ago to 36.1 percent now.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">Of course, the BJP’s welfare scheme that has ensured free ration and Rs 6000 cash in three installments financed by Rs 54000 crore of allocation in the union budget and the beneficiaries confirming it to the touring journalists has weighed over the S.P’s efforts, facilitating Adityanath to hold on with power.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp; &nbsp;But &nbsp;viewed from a futuristic perspective, the BJP has reasons for worry in 2024 in Uttar Pradesh. It goes without saying that Narendra Modi has lorded over the psyche of the youths since 2014 onwards. Frustrated and angry for not getting jobs, they have shifted to the SP and now Akhilesh is faced with the challenge to retain and expand on his gains in the long haul of the political battle that he is likely to be involved with the BJP.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">The elections have certainly &nbsp;catapulted Kejriwal at the national level pointing to the possibility of his emergence as one of the challengers to Prime Minister Narendra Modi . At the same time , there is also &nbsp;hope for Akhilesh to build on the relative gains he has made in the country’s most populous State , Uttar Pradesh . In all probability , the fulcrum of opposition politics in the run up to the 2024 polls would revolve around Kejriwal , Akhilesh and the Trinamool Congress Chief and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamta Banerjee , who routed the BJP in the West Bengal elections earlier . But the &nbsp;current results as well as the once over the last couple of years has underscored the free fall of the Congress and it &nbsp;has denervated the party nearly beyond repair.</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;</div><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">It’s a saga of the Congress steadily losing on its organizational and mass base owing to the inaptitude on the part of its leadership versus a better organized and hugely resourceful BJP in Uttarakhand, Goa andn Manipur. The BJP despite changing three CM has retained Uttarakhand which the Congress because of the weaknesses a multiple layers of its structure has failed to capitalize on the apparently anti-incumbency dogging the BJP in the hill state.</div>

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In terms of pure electoral arithmetics the results to the five assembly elections – in Uttar Pradesh , Uttarakhand , Punjab , Manipur and Goa –  underscores the continuing march of Hindutva politics as represented by the Bharatiya Janata Party ( BJP). T

Hindutva Continues its March , But AAP too Rises and SP Puts up a Spirited Fight

<p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">Saeed Naqvi, a legend of Indian journalism, talks on politics, society, and the world to The AIDEM</p><div class="mdp-liker-box after-content two-buttons style-border-fill row-right" style="--mdp-liker-bg-color-active:rgba(255, 33, 40, 1);--mdp-liker-bg-color-hover:rgba(255, 33, 40, 1);--mdp-liker-bg-color:rgba(255, 33, 40, 1);--mdp-liker-border:1px;--mdp-liker-radius:50px;--mdp-liker-text-color-active:rgba(255, 255, 255, 1);--mdp-liker-text-color-hover:rgba(255, 255, 255, 1);--mdp-liker-text-color:rgba(255, 33, 40, 1);box-sizing:border-box;font-size:initial;font-weight:initial;margin:0px;padding:0px;" id="mdp-liker-15228" data-memory="on"><div style="align-items:center;box-sizing:border-box;display:flex;justify-content:space-between;margin:0px;padding:0px;"><div class="mdp-liker-description" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:medium;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;max-width:60%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">&nbsp;</div></div></div><p><br>&nbsp;</p>

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Saeed Naqvi, a legend of Indian journalism, talks on politics, society, and the world to The AIDEM



Saeed Naqvi on UP Elections

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Senior political journalists of Lucknow analyse the Uttar Pradesh elections with The Aidem.

UP Political Journalists Predict Setback for BJP

<p><b style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"><strong>A</strong></b><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255);color:rgb(39,39,39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;display:inline !important;float:none;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;orphans:2;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">n elite Brahmin and professor from Pratapgarh says, “My son came from Mumbai few days ago and asked me about the candidates in the fray in our constituency. Living far away he was not much aware about the local politics in pratapgarh . After I informed him about the candidates he said that he would vote for the one who could defeat the BJP and then purposively &nbsp;voted for the Samajwadi Party ”.</span></span></p><figure class="image"><img alt="up-5-min-768x432.jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/up_5_min_768x432_5a53dfd9d0.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_up_5_min_768x432_5a53dfd9d0.jpg 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_up_5_min_768x432_5a53dfd9d0.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_up_5_min_768x432_5a53dfd9d0.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">In a sense , &nbsp;the professor told me , he was also trying to figure out the relatively low turnout of the voters by recounting this story, particularly the relative ignorance of people like his son about the details of their own home constituencies. Voting percentage in Uttar Pradesh has been generally low , and particularly low in the fifth phase . Sixty one seats in the fifth phase recorded 54.98 percent voting at the end of the polling&nbsp;<span style="box-sizing:border-box;margin:0px;padding:0px;" dir="ltr">at 6 pm on Sunday</span>.&nbsp; With the fifth phase polling that concluded on 27 February , as many as 292 seats out of the U.P’s 403 have the polling concluded. There are still 111 seats spread over Ayodhya, Varanasari and other regions of eastern U.P to go to the polls in the sixth and seventh phases.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">There is no proven psephological theory to analyse with exactness what the low or high turnout of voters means to an election &nbsp;. However , the professor had his own interesting assessment . “We are a family of the core BJP voters. But this time , we are angry with the government because of several factors , including &nbsp;rising unemployment, decaying education system, poor health infrastructure . We are also tired of the &nbsp;overwhelming attempts of the BJP &nbsp;to create a polarised Hindu-Muslim situation . &nbsp;The arrogance on the part of many &nbsp;leaders has also put us off &nbsp;. We couldn’t have voted against the BJP for which we have been voting for election after election since the early &nbsp;1990’s. At the same time, we could not have shifted our loyalty to another party so soon. Many of us preferred to stay home. But the younger ones voted against the BJP”.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">It will be too simplistic to draw an assessment about the phenomena of low voting on the basis of this small sample of the Professor’s family. But crisscrossing through the western Uttar Pradesh, central Uttar Pradesh and large parts of the Awadh region the indifference among the core BJP voters was quite palpable. On the other hand, the supporters of the Samajvadi Party looked and sounded eloquently energetic. The contradictory moods could easily be sensed in the road shows and public meetings of the two main rivals—the BJP and the SP.</p><figure class="image"><img alt="up-4-min-768x432.jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/up_4_min_768x432_e5e6608ee9.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_up_4_min_768x432_e5e6608ee9.jpg 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_up_4_min_768x432_e5e6608ee9.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_up_4_min_768x432_e5e6608ee9.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Many experts are fixated about the difference between the 2017 and 2022 elections. But the difference between the first three phases and then the succeeding phases will, perhaps, make it easy to understand the dynamics of the ongoing polls. The first three phases witnessed a sharply discernible impact of the farmers’ agitation. It literally smashed the BJP’s ‘forte’ built brick by brick on the communal divide in the wake of Muzaffarnagar riots in 2013. There were sites of the Jats, Muslims, farmers and farm workers demonstrating their unity and outnumbering the BJP voters on booth after booth. The BJP supporters either kept low key or were resigned to their fate.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">But reading the election became relatively complex as it travelled to the central Uttar Pradesh, Awadh and eastern regions. Well worked out dole—Rs 6000 in cash through direct transfer in three installments among 25 million families besides free ration,&nbsp;<i style="box-sizing:border-box;margin:0px;padding:0px;">suraksha</i>&nbsp;(protection and better law and order), intricate caste fault lines involving Yadavs versus non-Yadav OBC voters, Jatav versus non-Jatav dalit voters coupled with the omnipresent issues like&nbsp;<i style="box-sizing:border-box;margin:0px;padding:0px;">awaara pashu</i>&nbsp;(stray cattle), dwindling of employment opportunity, price rise and fiddling with the OBC and Scheduled Castes’ quota in the jobs and educational institutions came into play.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Perhaps, sensing the heavy loss in the first three phases, the BJP top brass focused more on micro-management to arrest the slide. Prime Minister Narendra Modi campaigned in Barabanki and Varanasi. Amit Shah, Adityanath Yogi, Rajnath Singh, JP Nadda—all the top guns are out on the roads.</p><p><br><img alt="up-3-min-768x432.jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/up_3_min_768x432_98f6239c44.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_up_3_min_768x432_98f6239c44.jpg 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_up_3_min_768x432_98f6239c44.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_up_3_min_768x432_98f6239c44.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">The non-Yadav OBCs and the non-Jatav dalits had largely voted for the BJP in 2017 and 2019 elections. The Samajwadi Party which was in a disarray in 2017 and 2019 is in a better shape by putting its own house in order and stitching a rainbow coalition of several parties of smaller castes—Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party of Om Prakash Rajbhar, Apna Dal (Krishna Patel group) besides the leader of Mauryas in his pocket, Swami Prasad Maurya and Nonia leader, Dara Singh Chouhan have surely broaden the mass base of Akhilesh Yadav led S.P.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">If the U.P’s deputy chief minister, Keshav Prasad Maurya is locked in a tough battle with the Apna Dal candidate fighting on the SP’s cycle symbol, Pallavai Patel in Sirathu it is because of the S.P making huge inroads in the BJP’s Kurmi vote base in Sirathu. The S.P has definitely dented particularly among the non-Yadav OBC vote-bank of the BJP.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">The proportion of SP’s dent in the BJP’s non-Yadav OBC vote base actually holds the key to actual and exact result of the polls&nbsp;<span style="box-sizing:border-box;margin:0px;padding:0px;" dir="ltr">on March 10.</span>&nbsp;The experts on caste politics in U.P perceive that 40 to 50 percent shift of the OBCs to the SP from the BJP would see Akhilesh Yadav through against Adityanath Yogi.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">The biggest tool that has worked for the BJP to arrest the shift of the non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav dalits are &nbsp;the doles and freebies financed by the allocation of Rs 54000 crore in the union budget passed on the eve of the U.P election. No political party has the resources to match the BJP in terms of serving doles for it has control over the public fund and has its ‘double engine’ governments at the Centre and in U.P to distribute these doles through official machinery.</p><figure class="image"><img alt="up-2-min-768x432.jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/up_2_min_768x432_87cccf518f.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_up_2_min_768x432_87cccf518f.jpg 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_up_2_min_768x432_87cccf518f.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_up_2_min_768x432_87cccf518f.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><p><span style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255);color:rgb(39,39,39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;display:inline !important;float:none;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;orphans:2;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">But the advantage of the S.P is it already has a very strong voter base—Yadavs and Muslims are quite sizable in eastern Uttar Pradesh.. The Yadavs are energetic and militantly behind Akhilesh. And the Muslims—the biggest victim of the Adityanath’s regime—are largely united to see Yogi’s back. It’s a tough election in which it is difficult to guess who has the clear edge. What’s clear is the Samajvadi Party is gaining and the BJP is on the slide. The SP is expected to come out certainly with far more number of the MLAs it has at present. But only the results of&nbsp;</span><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;" dir="ltr">&nbsp;March 10</span><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;display:inline !important;float:none;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;orphans:2;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">&nbsp;would make it clear whether the gain is good enough to push the BJP out of power or &nbsp;falls short of the target thus helping the BJP to retain power with reduced numbers.</span></span></p>

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An elite Brahmin and professor from Pratapgarh says, “My son came from Mumbai few days ago and asked me about the candidates in the fray in our constituency. Living far away he was not much aware about the local politics in pratapgarh . 

Decoding who surges and who slides in Uttar Pradesh

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<p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/IMG_20240930_WA_0007_770x470_d5062615d1.jpg" alt="IMG-20240930-WA0007-770x470.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_IMG_20240930_WA_0007_770x470_d5062615d1.jpg 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_IMG_20240930_WA_0007_770x470_d5062615d1.jpg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_IMG_20240930_WA_0007_770x470_d5062615d1.jpg 750w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></p><div class="post-body clearfix single-blog-header single-blog-inner blog-single-block blog-details-content" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"><div class="entry-content clearfix" style="box-sizing:border-box;counter-reset:footnotes 0;margin:0px;padding:0px;"><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">Communication is an art that many struggle with, but few realize it can be learned. Whether you’re talking to a friend, colleague, family member, or stranger, mastering this skill is within reach. Ever struggled to start a conversation or keep it going? Finding common topics of interest can be tricky, and navigating differing social or political views can feel like a minefield. But with the right approach, you can turn any interaction into a meaningful exchange.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">&nbsp;</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">How do you find the right approach? More importantly, can you learn the required skills?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">“<a style="background-color:transparent;box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(255, 53, 36);display:inline-block;margin:0px;padding:0px;transition:0.4s;" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://www.charlesduhigg.com/supercommunicators"><u>Supercommunicators</u></a>,” written by Charles Duhigg, is a book that teaches you to learn the skills to convert a conversation into a connection. It distills the art of conversation, any conversation, including the ones with your friends and family, into actionable steps that you can readily practice and improve.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><a style="background-color:transparent;box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(255, 53, 36);display:inline-block;margin:0px;padding:0px;transition:0.4s;" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://www.charlesduhigg.com/"><u>Charles Duhigg</u></a> is a Pulitzer Prize-winning American journalist and author of bestselling books. I read his first book, “The Power of Habit,” which is a constant presence in many bookstores, and liked it. I read it in 2013, and it convinced me about the importance of habits. Last year, I read his <a style="background-color:transparent;box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(255, 53, 36);display:inline-block;margin:0px;padding:0px;transition:0.4s;" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2023/12/11/the-inside-story-of-microsofts-partnership-with-openai"><u>article</u></a> on the ChatGPT saga and liked it for its reporting breadth and depth.</p><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:629px;" id="attachment_30055" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-30055"><p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/811bz_Oshn5_L_AC_UF_10001000_QL_80_F_Mwebp_7ad3ac888f.webp" alt="811bzOshn5L._AC_UF10001000_QL80_FMwebp_.webp" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_811bz_Oshn5_L_AC_UF_10001000_QL_80_F_Mwebp_7ad3ac888f.webp 98w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_811bz_Oshn5_L_AC_UF_10001000_QL_80_F_Mwebp_7ad3ac888f.webp 314w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_811bz_Oshn5_L_AC_UF_10001000_QL_80_F_Mwebp_7ad3ac888f.webp 472w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></p><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-30055">Cover of the book ‘Supercommunicators’</figcaption></figure><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">This book starts by breaking down every conversation into three types: Analytical, Emotional, and Social. Every conversation is essentially one of these three types. In analytical talk, the conversation is a transaction where facts and details matter. In emotional talk, the conversation is all about the feelings. In social talk, the conversation is about an identity. Now, listing the types helps in nothing. You still need to know what to do with this information.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">Suppose you argued with your father in the morning over a trivial issue. You reach the office and share the incident with your friend. Are you looking for a solution? Do you want to be listened to intently, get advice on who was wrong, or would just a hug do ? Suppose you differed with a colleague about a work issue. Another colleague, a friend, was listening. What do you want to hear from your friend? Advice or silence or just a hug? Suppose you hear about the sudden death of a friend’s loved one. What do you say to your friend? Advice or listen or a hug? As situations differ, so does the conversation, hence the importance of its type.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">After breaking the communication into its types, Charles goes on to break it into a step-by-step process of turning every conversation into meaningful, often joyful interactions, and in some cases, less stressful ones, even with a person with contrasting views. He uses psychological studies and instances of experts’ communication to establish the rules of effective communication.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">Stories form the backbone of narration and writing style, making it easy for everyone to understand, relate, and remember the content. Charles has used his recommendation to write the book as the writing oscillates between personal anecdotes, stories, and facts, often combining all three. As you turn the pages, you gradually get convinced about the process.</p><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:767px;" id="attachment_30056" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-30056"><p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/high_rez_duhigg_headshot_20160720afmduhigg0082_thumb_1536x1536_1_53a5660a0f.jpg" alt="high-rez-duhigg-headshot-20160720afmduhigg0082-thumb-1536x1536-1.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_high_rez_duhigg_headshot_20160720afmduhigg0082_thumb_1536x1536_1_53a5660a0f.jpg 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_high_rez_duhigg_headshot_20160720afmduhigg0082_thumb_1536x1536_1_53a5660a0f.jpg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_high_rez_duhigg_headshot_20160720afmduhigg0082_thumb_1536x1536_1_53a5660a0f.jpg 750w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></p><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-30056">Charles Duhigg</figcaption></figure><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">If you have read books on personal growth, they tend to follow a pattern. Every chapter makes a proposition supported by academic research or theories, followed by a story that establishes the usefulness of the proposition. Stories of failures are not part of this scheme. This book is no exception to this formula. However, this conformance should not take away the usefulness of this book.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">A few days after finishing the book, I took a train journey to New Delhi. The train starts at 6 in the morning from Varanasi, requiring me to get up at 4 AM. I always travel with a book, sometimes 2. If it is a mid-noon journey, I prefer reading books to talking to a co-passenger. But, early in the morning, I like a slow warmup to come to my full senses before picking a book. Opening a conversation with a co-passenger who is perhaps also in the same state has always been a nervous affair. But I had read this book, so at least I knew a theory I could test.</p><p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/images_2024_09_30_T164448_607_ee3a11384b.jpeg" alt="images-2024-09-30T164448.607.jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_images_2024_09_30_T164448_607_ee3a11384b.jpeg 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_images_2024_09_30_T164448_607_ee3a11384b.jpeg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_images_2024_09_30_T164448_607_ee3a11384b.jpeg 750w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">Charles suggests starting a conversation with a question that doesn’t have a 1-word answer. He calls them Deep questions. For example, instead of asking questions like, “Where are you going?” or “Are you from Varanasi?” you may ask, “What do you like about early morning train journeys?”. I started with a similar question. However, a few minutes into the conversation, the person said, “I do not like the Congress party (India’s principal opposition party).”</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">Now, I like the Congress party. Had I not read the book, I would have gone on to list several reasons to prefer the Congress party. I would have given one argument after another, countering his response with facts and figures. I would have transformed myself into an evangelist, on a mission to reform this man and make him fall in love with the Congress party. After a few minutes of conversation, he would have silently waited for me to drain all my energy and stop. We would have withdrawn into our shells for the rest of the journey, talking only to ask for a way to leave the seat. Thankfully, I had read this book, and none of this happened.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">I instead said, “They give many reasons to people to dislike them.” It opened him up to offer his reasons for this blanket statement, which allowed me to steer the conversation to his upbringing, parents, childhood, values, work, motivations, etc. When I shared about my organization’s work with school children from economically underprivileged families, he shared his wife’s efforts of sheltering orphaned street dogs. We agreed on several issues, including the complete failure of the current central government, despite opposing political preferences. Neither did I contradict his personal experiences, nor did he contradict mine. Moreover, we agreed that our experiences shape our views, which are bound to change if we remain open.</p><p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/images_2024_09_30_T164615_165_ec71a30e5a.jpeg" alt="images-2024-09-30T164615.165.jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_images_2024_09_30_T164615_165_ec71a30e5a.jpeg 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_images_2024_09_30_T164615_165_ec71a30e5a.jpeg 500w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">“Supercommunicators” book taught me to treat every conversation as a learning opportunity. It taught me not to approach a conversation as a right vs wrong battle but to connect by sharing stories and anecdotes more than the facts. Ultimately, you can convince a person more by listening than by speaking. In a world getting more polarised, we all need to learn to talk to each other and listen better. Thankfully, we have this book.</p></div></div>

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Navigating Difficult Dialogues: How 'Supercommunicators' Can Help in a Polarised World"

<p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/images_34_770x393_796d24e9a6.jpeg" alt="images-34-770x393.jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_images_34_770x393_796d24e9a6.jpeg 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_images_34_770x393_796d24e9a6.jpeg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_images_34_770x393_796d24e9a6.jpeg 750w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></p><div class="post-body clearfix single-blog-header single-blog-inner blog-single-block blog-details-content" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"><div class="entry-content clearfix" style="box-sizing:border-box;counter-reset:footnotes 0;margin:0px;padding:0px;"><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">Prolific documentary filmmaker R.P Amudhan’s body of work is unique and striking, especially in the manner in which his creations address issues and concerns of the marginalised sections of society. He is known as a media activist too. Hailing from Madurai, in Tamil Nadu, he founded the Marupakkam Media Activist Group (MMAG) in in his home district. The MMAG produces documentaries, screens films, and conducts workshops. He has over 20 documentaries to his credit. His films primarily focus on caste and labour issues. In this Interview with poet and writer Rashida Nasriya, filmmaker Amudhan RP discusses his craft, concerns and challenges.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">&nbsp;</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Rashidha Nasriya:</strong> What do you consider as the most significant challenge you have faced during the making of your documentaries?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Amudhan RP:</strong> The biggest challenges I have faced in documenting the kind of social issues I have chosen to film are threefold. First, identifying a crucial topic which requires in-depth understanding and sufficient data to substantiate the narrative. Once I have a clear understanding of the topic, I would conduct thorough research and convince people, that is the characters in my film and their kith and kin. This has been my approach from my very first film, Leelavathi, a documentary on a Communist Party of India (Marxist) – CPIM- cadre killed in Madurai in 1997. I was relatively young at that time and the task of persuading her family and the district CPIM committee took a lot of effort. I finally did get their consent. It was a difficult task to get their trust.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">The second challenge – although a joyful one – is researching and gathering credible information, while the third is securing funding. As a solo filmmaker, I have learned to be self-sufficient. But still finding funds is a challenge. Any filmmaker would go through these challenges in varying degrees.</p><p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/images_35_721e230496.jpeg" alt="images-35.jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_images_35_721e230496.jpeg 208w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_images_35_721e230496.jpeg 500w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Nasriya</strong>: Did your activist background influence your decision to become a filmmaker?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Amudhan</strong>: During my MA studies, I attended a workshop in Madurai organised by Center for Development of Instructional Technology (CENDIT), an organisation based in New Delhi. Here, I was exposed to several powerful documentary films. This experience opened my eyes to the significance of political documentaries. I was introduced to the concept of using film as a tool for social change, and I immediately knew I wanted to become a documentary filmmaker and an activist. This workshop sparked my passion for creating and screening films that inspire critical thinking and trigger meaningful conversations. It was a turning point that led me to merge my interests in social activism and filmmaking, ultimately shaping my identity as an activist-filmmaker. Activism and filmmaking are deeply intertwined for me – they’re two sides of the same coin. My filmmaking is an extension of my activism, and vice versa; the two are inseparable.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Nasriya</strong>: Your film “My Caste” examines the intersection of caste, hegemony, and consensus in Indian society. What has driven your focus on caste in your activism and filmmaking?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Amudhan</strong>: I wanted to take on the Caste issue from the perpetuator point of view rather than from the victim’s or survivor’s point of view. I wanted to get into the minds of the people who either follow or negotiate or negate caste in their lives. I wanted to know what happens in people’s minds when they deal with caste matters. That’s why I made the film ‘My Caste’ ‘recording the views of various people on caste related questions.</p><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:951px;" id="attachment_30033" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-30033"><p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/IMG_20240927_WA_0021_d0a7a9b78c.jpg" alt="IMG-20240927-WA0021.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_IMG_20240927_WA_0021_d0a7a9b78c.jpg 154w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_IMG_20240927_WA_0021_d0a7a9b78c.jpg 495w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_IMG_20240927_WA_0021_d0a7a9b78c.jpg 743w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></p><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-30033">Amudhan speaking at an event</figcaption></figure><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Nasriya</strong>: Can you give some details on how you investigated labour exploitation in Tirupur’s garment industry for your documentary “Dollar City”?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Amudhan</strong>: Many of my films focus on labour issues, with a considerable number exploring labour practices. For my trilogy on hegemony and consensus, I chose Tirupur as a case study. This city exemplifies how consensus is manufactured to prioritise the industry’s interests.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">In Tiruppur, a tacit understanding exists among industries, trade unions, workers, NGOs, and political parties to protect the industry at all costs. The prevailing narrative is: ‘Without the industry, we cannot survive.’ This consensus leads to widespread compromise and adjustment, perpetuating the exploitation.</p><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:739px;" id="attachment_30028" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-30028"><p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/images_36_2e37ef3154.jpeg" alt="images-36.jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_images_36_2e37ef3154.jpeg 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_images_36_2e37ef3154.jpeg 500w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></p><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-30028">During production of Amudhan’s documentary</figcaption></figure><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">I want to capture this complex dynamic in my film, highlighting how Tiruppur’s industry-centric consensus affects labor rights and social justice.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">&nbsp;</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Nasriya</strong>: How did you approach exploring the complex and sensitive topic of manual scavenging in your film “Pee (Shit)”?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Amudhan</strong>: I wanted to make a Tamil version of Lesser Humans – a documentary on Manual Scavenging in Gujarat by Stalin K. Although I wanted to make a similar comprehensive film about Tamilnadu, my encounter with Mariamma, a sanitary worker in Madurai convinced me to make a short documentary which practically covers every aspect of the work.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">I realised a shorter format could powerfully convey the urgency of this issue, making a compelling argument against manual scavenging. This inspired me to create the film titled ‘Pee’ (Shit) [Watch Below], highlighting the harsh realities of manual scavenging.</p><div class="raw-html-embed"><iframe width="640" height="480" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/a0eWOHAvVn4" title="Shit - a documentary by Amudhan R.P." frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen=""></iframe></div><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">&nbsp;</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Nasriya</strong>: What inspired you to create a documentary about Mercury pollution in Kodaikanal?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Amudhan</strong>: The film ‘Mercury in the Mist’ was initiated by workers from the Kodaikanal thermometer factory, who had been fighting against the company’s harmful practices. They sought my help to create a documentary supporting their cause, highlighting the devastating health effects of mercury exposure and their ongoing court battles. It was partially funded by the workers and their well wishers like Nityanand Jayaraman and others.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">&nbsp;</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Nasriya</strong>: Do you think the documentary can contribute to the border understanding of the challenges facing Indian democracy?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Amudhan</strong>: Documentary watching is, in my opinion, one of the most engaging and intellectually stimulating activities. It offers a unique blend of education, art, and social awareness, empowering individuals to become responsible citizens. By watching documentaries, we gain perspectives on the world around us, exercising our right to informed decision-making and participatory governance. Through my screenings, I aim to create opportunities for social and political education, fostering a culture of critical thinking and civic engagement. Documentaries provide a valuable platform for raising awareness on critical issues, making meaningful conversations and inspiring social change.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">&nbsp;</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Nasriya</strong>: How crucial is creative freedom in documentary filmmaking for fostering critical thinking and public debate?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Amudhan</strong>: In documentary filmmaking, merely reporting or recording is not enough. It is an opportunity to critically examine any subject, sparking meaningful discussions. We must be courageous enough to ask difficult questions, amplify marginalized voices and confront uncomfortable truths</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">Unlike commercial cinema, documentary filmmakers must take risks, challenging the status quo and pushing boundaries. By doing so, we humanize overlooked stories, Inspire critical thinking and foster empathy and understanding.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">&nbsp;</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Nasriya</strong>: How did your initiative “Marupakkam” come about…?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Amudhan</strong>: Marupakkam is a network of people collaborating to promote documentary filmmaking and social change. We invite participation from individuals across India in various capacities, including funding, research, topic development, filmmaking, screening, and documentary workshops.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">&nbsp;</p><figure class="wp-caption alignright" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;display:inline;float:right;height:auto;margin:5px 0px 20px 20px;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:1080px;" id="attachment_30029" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-30029"><p><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/Screenshot_20240927_1713542_bec309fa73.png" alt="Screenshot_20240927-1713542.png" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_Screenshot_20240927_1713542_bec309fa73.png 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_Screenshot_20240927_1713542_bec309fa73.png 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_Screenshot_20240927_1713542_bec309fa73.png 750w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/large_Screenshot_20240927_1713542_bec309fa73.png 1000w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></p><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-30029">Homepage of Marupakkam [Visit <a style="background-color:transparent;box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(255, 53, 36);display:inline-block;margin:0px;padding:0px;transition:0.4s;" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="http://marupakkammadurai.blogspot.com/?m=1"><u>Here</u></a>]</figcaption></figure><p>Our activities involve screening documentaries, researching social issues, making films on relevant topics, teaching documentary filmmaking, and showcasing films made by others. Through these efforts, we aim to foster a community that inspires social change through documentary filmmaking.</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">&nbsp;</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;">&nbsp;</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Nasriya</strong>: As a prolific documentary creator what advice would you give to emerging filmmakers?</p><p style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-size:18px;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;padding:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">Amudhan</strong>: To young and upcoming filmmakers, I say: read widely, travel extensively, and cultivate an open-minded perspective. Listen to diverse voices, even in everyday settings like markets, where numerous perspectives converge. If you don’t have an open mind, you will only hear the voices that confirm your existing views. But with an open mind, you will identify and appreciate the varied voices, even within the same marketplace.</p></div></div>

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Amudhan’s Craft, Concerns and Challenges

<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">The victory of Marxist leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake in Presidential election in Sri Lanka has been described as a political Tsunami by international politicians and observers. Sri Lanka based Independent policy analyst and writer Amita Arudpragasam analyses the context of the results in detail and points out that it was the economic mismanagement and corruption of earlier, dynasty oriented, regimes as well as Anura’s clean image that propelled significant sections of voters towards the Leftist JVP leader.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">She also points out that while the victory does indeed signify the emergence of new hopes in the country, it would be too early to predict dramatic policy and ideological shifts, including in the island nation’s orientation towards India and China. Watch the interview here.</p><hr><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"><em style="box-sizing:border-box;margin:0px;padding:0px;"><i><strong>ഈ വിഷയത്തിൽ പരിസ്ഥിതി പ്രവർത്തകനും എഴുത്തുകാരനുമായ കെ സഹദേവൻ എഴുതിയ കുറിപ്പ് ചുവടെ നൽകുന്നു:</strong></i></em></p><h2 style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:25px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.2;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"><strong style="box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(33, 37, 41);margin:0px;padding:0px;">അദാനിയും ശ്രീലങ്കയിലെയും ബംഗ്ലാദേശിലേയും ഭരണ വ്യവസ്ഥയിലെ വമ്പൻ മാറ്റങ്ങളും</strong></h2><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">ശ്രീലങ്കയിലെയും ബംഗ്ലാദേശിലെയും എന്തിന് ഓസ്‌ട്രേലിയയിലെപ്പോലും രാഷ്ട്രീയ ഭരണമാറ്റത്തിന് പിന്നിലെ പൊതുഘടകത്തെ കണ്ടെത്താൻ ശ്രമിച്ചാൽ ഗൗതം അദാനിയിൽ ചെന്ന് മുട്ടും. ഉഭയകക്ഷി ബന്ധങ്ങളെ വ്യവസായി താൽപ്പര്യങ്ങൾക്കായി ഉപയോഗപ്പെടുത്താൻ ഭരണകൂടങ്ങൾ തുനിഞ്ഞിറങ്ങിയാൽ അതിന്റെ അനിവാര്യഫലമെന്നത് ആ രാജ്യത്തിന്റെ സാമ്പത്തിക സുസ്ഥിരത തകർക്കപ്പെടുക എന്നതായിരിക്കും.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">ബംഗ്ലാദേശിന് വൈദ്യുതി വിൽക്കുന്നതുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട കരാർ അദാനിക്ക് ലഭ്യമാക്കുന്നതിന് ബീഗം ഹസീനയ്ക്ക് മേൽ സമ്മർദ്ദമുയർത്താൻ നരേന്ദ്ര മോദിക്ക് യാതൊരു മടിയുമുണ്ടായിരുന്നില്ല. 2015ലെ മോദിയുടെ ബംഗ്ലാദേശ് സന്ദർശനത്തിന്റെ മുഖ്യ അജണ്ടതന്നെ അദാനിക്ക് വൈദ്യുതി വിതരണക്കരാർ നേടിയെടുക്കുക എന്നതായിരുന്നു.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">ഇന്ന് ബംഗ്ലാദേശ് ഭരണകൂടത്തിന്റെ മുന്നിലുള്ള പ്രധാന അജണ്ട അദാനിയുമായുള്ള കരാറിൽ നിന്ന് എങ്ങിനെ രക്ഷപ്പെടാം എന്നതാണ്. ശ്രീലങ്കയിൽ 400 മില്യൺ ഡോളറിന്റെ ഗ്രീൻ എനർജി പ്രോജക്ടുകളാണ് അദാനി നേടിയെടുത്തത്. 225 മെഗാവാട്ടിന്റെ കാറ്റാടിപ്പാട നിർമ്മാണ പദ്ധതി നേടിയെടുക്കുന്നതിനും നയതന്ത്ര ബന്ധങ്ങൾ ഉപയോഗപ്പെടുത്തപ്പെട്ടു.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">ഇതിനുപുറമെ 700 ദശലക്ഷം ഡോളറിന്റെ കണ്ടൈയ്‌നർ തുറമുഖ പദ്ധതിയും നേടിയെടുക്കാൻ അദാനിക്ക് സാധിച്ചു. ഈ രണ്ട് പദ്ധതികളും ശ്രീലങ്കയുടെ ദീർഘകാല താൽപ്പര്യങ്ങൾക്ക് വിരുദ്ധമാണെന്ന ആരോപണം പാർലമെന്റിലും പുറത്തും ശക്തമായി ഉന്നയിക്കപ്പെട്ടുകൊണ്ടിരിക്കുകയാണ്.</p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">ഓസ്‌ട്രേലിയയിൽ അദാനി നേടിയെടുത്ത കാർമൈക്കൾ കൽക്കരി ഖനന കരാറും ഇതേരീതിയിൽ അതിശക്തമായ രാഷ്ട്രീയ എതിർപ്പ് ക്ഷണിച്ചുവരുത്തിയ ഒന്നാണ്. ഒരു ദശകക്കാലത്തെ കൺസർവേറ്റീവ് ഭരണത്തിന് അറുതിവരുത്തിക്കൊണ്ട് ലെഫ്റ്റ് ചായ്വുള്ള ആന്റണി അൽബനീസ് ഗവൺമെന്റ് അധികാരക്കസേരയിലെത്തിയതിന് പിന്നിലും ഗൗതം അദാനിക്കെതിരായ പ്രതിഷേധത്തിന്റെ വേരുകൾ കണ്ടെത്താൻ കഴിയും…</p>

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