A Review of Ardra K. S’ Kamala Cult.
Pennezhuthu, or as feminist writing is often termed in Malayalam, has evolved over the course of decades, from writing about patriarchal oppression, gender inequality, women’s rights, and confessional mode to the broader spaces of belonging. At present, women’s writings engage with a larger range of things; they encompass multitudes and converse in the language and politics of the time. Along with female identity, their discourse includes socio-political concerns, cultural identities, new sexualities, and new approaches to social belonging and relationships.
Women’s writing in Malayalam literature is recognising their millennial voice through K.S. Ardra’s writings. In her debut short story collection, Kamala Cult, the relatability of her stories counts for readers. Rural settings become the macrocosm of the world at large, wherein, besides gendered spaces and women’s positions, identity, shared trauma, political correctness, and belonging come into the discussion. The collection consists of six stories: “Vattu Parampara,” “Oriyidalinte Thathwasasthram,” “Kanneru,” “Bhageerathaprayathnam,” “Kamala Cult,” “Suo Motu,” and “Chamundiyile Valavukaleppatti Pennungal.”
<img alt="image1.png" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/image1_26b675d324.png" />
Cover of the book ‘Kamala Cult’
Arrack, a distilled alcoholic drink, has been banned in Kerala for some years now. However, its home distillation continues on the sly. In the story “Vattu Parampara,” besides the literal meaning, arrack embodies the metaphor of writing. Ardra alludes to the fact that for some women, writing is a secretive, impermissible act like making arrack. A new women’s magazine, Queen, covers an anonymous series on arrack selling, detailing Mandaram and his team’s arrack business. The story, and the magazine, attract popular attention. The magazine grows exponentially, like the successful yet mysterious and secretive business of Mandaram. Infuriated by the media coverage, Mandaram goes to find the writer of the magazine report. Though his attempt ends in failure, the end of the story hints that Mandaram’s wife, Sunethra, a silent, meek, and submissive woman, is the anonymous writer behind it. Sunethra, like a passionate distiller, breaks the ‘family’ law by writing secretly.
In distinct regions and cultures, women’s tone, expression, and performance designate their space and importance. “Oriyidalinte Thathwasastram” is about two women, Vellachi and Karuvachi, and their partner, Kunchu Nair. Vellachi is subtle, civilised, and quiet, whereas Karuvachi is vocal and expressive. Karuvachi, tracing her Tamil cultural origins, weeps and wails unashamedly when Kunchu Nair dies. Her oppari (the song of lamentation of a bereaved wife at the funeral of her husband, a practice commonly observed in Tamil culture) was a spectacle for the rural community in Palakkad. Her performance is beyond the confinements of a civilisation and expectations of a particular culture. Vellachi, on the other hand, deals with everything in silence. Even before Kunchu Nair brought Karuvachi as his second partner, she did not shed a tear or even complain. She was reticent. She tried to incorporate the same norm while keeping a dog to guard her home. She strictly demanded that the dog should not howl and changed the dog each time if it failed to meet the demand. Thought Vellachi and Karuvachi hail from different social backgrounds, they are strongly conditioned to maintain ‘decorum’ and were rooting for their spaces in their respective ways.
“Kanneru” is the author’s take on voyeurism: the prying behaviour of a person for sexual gratification causes anxiety and fear in the victim. The intrusion into her private spaces damages her more psychologically than physically. Voyeurism affects the victim by leading her to intrusive thoughts, anxiety, and stress. The hypervigilant behaviour of the woman character, which increased in the course of the story, shows the severity of the impact of someone’s depraved behaviour. By recording the character’s thoughts, Ardra reflects on the trauma and fear women carry due to the disturbing and dangerous instances they are confronting on a daily basis.
Bhageeratha, the king of Kosala, is known in legends for bringing the Ganges to the earth through penance. He is born of two woment — an angle of queer romance that is less discussed or written about is the focal point of the story, “Bhageerathaprayathnam.” Atheena, a single woman in her thirties, bored of her mundane routine of teaching, rents a hotel room for two days to rest and relax. This is the first time she spends her time away from home. She leads a life of ordinariness, a life in which she is comfortable. But her identity as a single woman is not viewed as typical by the people. The story discusses the idea of self, the recognition of identity, and the spaces that one could identify or realise at any point in life. 
In the day and age of political correctness, “Kamala Cult” is a highly contemporary story of the time. Kamala, the reputed conciliator in Paruthikkadu, is insightful, composed, and capable. Her services have a notable reputation among the people, and she performs them out of her free will. But, while discussing a boundary dispute pertaining to her land with her neighbour, Kamala’s one politically incorrect word shakes her entire image as a respected and mature arbitrator. The spewed word affects her credibility, character, and standing in society. And she is reduced to a meme that is widely circulated. Ardra, through instances, cleverly builds the character graph of Kamala, tracing her gaining importance over a period of time in the village, illustrating her valuable services, and revealing the severity of an inappropriate word that could invalidate anyone in the present day.
<img alt="ardra-768x512.jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/ardra_768x512_f6648a54c8.jpg" />
Ardra KS, Author of Kamala Cult
In “Suo Motu,” two women previously unknown to one another develop a bonding from their shared trauma. The feelings of anxiety, fear, and brokenness create a feeling of sisterhood between them. At first, Asha, a mother of a 25-year-old son, could not comprehend that her son had been taken into custody for committing indecent exposure or flashing. Thereafter, even though the perpetrator is her son, Asha expresses affinity towards the complainant woman because trauma speaks a language both understand, which at the same time is also inexplicable. Besides shared traumas, the tale speaks about belonging and warmth. Similarly, “Chamundiyile Valavukal”, the last story in the collection, continues to evoke the same feeling as “Suo Motu”: women’s shared anxiety about human predators. On their return journey from their night trip to Chamundi temple, three women realise that their male counterparts are more capable of inflicting terror and violence than the unknown, unseen leopard in a forest. Furthermore, in “Suo Motu” and “Chamundi,” the time and the place act as great signifiers. Through the incidents in both the stories, Ardra critically reflects on how patriarchal and abusive masculinity decides that certain space and time are not meant to be owned by women, and if they try to claim them, they are likely to be attacked and terrorised.
The idea of space and place is of greater significance in Ardra’s stories. Amidst all the delimiting boundaries and patriarchal constructions that constrict and threaten their existence, Ardra’s female characters strive to identify their space and ascertain it, even if it is in the smallest sense possible. Above all, along with Ardra’s women, the readers also find a sense of belonging in her stories—a space where all women are able to connect, share, and empathise.

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Pennezhuthu, or as feminist writing is often termed in Malayalam, has evolved over the course of decades, from writing about patriarchal oppression, gender inequality, women’s rights, and confessional mode to the broader spaces of belonging. At present, women’s writings engage with a larger range of things; they encompass multitudes and converse in the language and politics of the time. Along with female identity, their discourse includes socio-political concerns, cultural identities, new sexualities, and new approaches to social belonging and relationships.

Millennial Voice in Women’s Writing

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Prof. Meena T. Pillai’s ”Affective Feminisms in Digital India: Intimate Rebels“ is a ground-breaking and thought-provoking exploration of the intersections between technology and feminism within the unique context of Kerala. 

Coming Together in Digital Dissent: The World of Intimate Rebels and their Technological Assemblages

<span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;display:inline !important;float:none;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;orphans:2;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Is Rahul Gandhi an enigma? Many a political commentator would have us believe so. However, everything about him points to the contrary. He often addresses press conferences and faces questions from media persons, in contrast to many other senior politicians including Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He is also among the people more frequently than other politicians. Some months ago, he undertook a 3570 kilometers Bharat Jodo Yatra from Kanyakumari to Kashmir, and is as active in public meetings as well as in parliament. Yet this enigmatic label follows him like a shadow. This book by Sugata Srinivasaraju attempts to answer this question, one must add, fairly successfully. The author clearly states, “It is not a myth busting or myth making exercise nor is it an inquisition”.<figure class="image"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/Whats_App_Image_2023_10_09_at_18_52_04_1_e457e5f279.jpeg" alt="WhatsApp-Image-2023-10-09-at-18.52.04 (1).jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_Whats_App_Image_2023_10_09_at_18_52_04_1_e457e5f279.jpeg 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_Whats_App_Image_2023_10_09_at_18_52_04_1_e457e5f279.jpeg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_Whats_App_Image_2023_10_09_at_18_52_04_1_e457e5f279.jpeg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:860px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_24296" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-24296"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-24296">Padmavati Rao, Sugata Srinivasaraju, G.N Devy, Dr. Sanjeev Jain and Chiranjiv Singh at the book launch event in Bengaluru</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">At the outset Srinivasaraju, points out that the kind of abuse and hate Rahul Gandhi has had to suffer at the hands of foul mouth trolls on social media has been immense and unrelenting. Yet Gandhi and his sister Priyanka Vadra have shown a great element of forgiveness and compassion which is rare in Indian politics. He compares the hug that Rahul Gandhi gave to Modi in parliament to the gesture of Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan patting Stalin’s cheek as ambassador to Soviet Russia. Stalin had then remarked that he had at last met someone who treated him as a `human being and not a monster`. Another important statement in the book is on how Rahul Gandhi tried to establish his Hindu roots and yet was not able to withstand the BJP onslaught. His visits to the Somnath Temple in Gujarat in 2017 and the Pushkar Temple in Rajasthan in 2018 are cited as examples where he was hauled over the coals because of his mother being a Christian and of foreign origin. On the Congress President post which Rahul Gandhi relinquished after the 2019 defeat the book states that a non-Nehru or Gandhi at the helm of the Congress in post independent India has always been in an uneasy position. He quotes the examples of N. Sanjeeva Reddy, S. Nijalingappa, P.V. Narasimha Rao and Sitaram Kesri in this regard. One wonders how Mallikarjun Kharge will fare, now that he has taken over as Congress President.<figure class="image"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/image_2023_10_09_171452104_1_1dec317a8c.png" alt="image_2023-10-09_171452104 (1).png" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_image_2023_10_09_171452104_1_1dec317a8c.png 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_image_2023_10_09_171452104_1_1dec317a8c.png 500w" sizes="100vw" width="500"></figure><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:577px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_24279" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-24279"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-24279">Rahul Gandhi</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Some bloopers by Rahul are also mentioned in the book. At the beginning of the Bharat Jodo Yatra, Rahul Gandhi met a controversial Catholic Priest George Ponniah and conversed about Jesus and God, to which the Priest is heard saying that unlike Shakti, God is a human person. Naturally the BJP jumped upon this comparison with a Hindu term and created a large noise. It is a fact that Gandhi will have to contend with accusations about his Christian lineage.&nbsp; It will be played up by the Sangh Parivar at every given opportunity.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">A good number of pages in the volume are dedicated to the Bharat Jodo Yatra which Rahul Gandhi started on foot from Kanyakumari on 7 September 2022 and culminated at Srinagar on 30 January 2023. It portrays how Gandhi was called a `Yogi` `Tapasavi` and `Superhuman` for wearing a Tee-Shirt in the northern India winter while the Yatra progressed in the region. During the Yatra Rahul Gandhi targeted only the BJP, the RSS and one the principal heroes of the Sangh Parivar group, namely Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. While at Akola in Maharashtra, he said, “Savarkar betrayed leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel by signing a letter of apology out of fear to the British before independence.” Thus, putting his allies in Maharashtra like Sharad Pawar and Udhav Thackeray in a tight spot. The author thus makes the point that good politics is often not always marked by sticking to what one believes.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">The author notes that a press conference in Haryana during the yatra Rahul Gandhi made a comment which probably no mainstream politician would have ever said. What Rahul said was as follows : “ Rahul Gandhi is on your mind….….If you do not understand, read the Hindu scriptures. Read about Shiv-ji you will understand. Don`t look puzzled. Rahul Gandhi is in your head and not mine. Rahul Gandhi is in BJP`s head, not mine.” It was a statement with multiple dimensions. At one level, it reflected Rahul Gandhi’s frustration on being constantly attacked by the BJP and its allies. But it was a dialogue with some spiritual overtones too.<figure class="image"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/image_2023_10_09_184917369_1_fbbad3dfb1.png" alt="image_2023-10-09_184917369 (1).png" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_image_2023_10_09_184917369_1_fbbad3dfb1.png 207w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_image_2023_10_09_184917369_1_fbbad3dfb1.png 500w" sizes="100vw" width="500"></figure><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:481px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_24294" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-24294"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-24294">Kanhaiya Kumar with Rahul Gandhi during Bharat Jodo Yatra</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Another aspect of the yatra dealt by the book is on the mystery of the tee shirt he wore in the cold. It was apparently the result of his yoga and pranayama. Added to this was Rahul Gandhi’s reference to a meeting he had with a small poor girl who was shivering because she could not wear a warm garment. Apparently, this made him decide that he would not wear anything warm until necessary. This put him in the league of Mahatma Gandhi who also never wore an upper garment except in extreme cold as a token of his empathy for those of our country who could not afford proper clothing. The best comment as quoted probably came from Kanhaiya Kumar who had also participated with Rahul Gandhi in the yatra. Kanhaiya Kumar said “His body has become frost-proof after enduring hate attacks from the BJP……When you face so many attacks your body becomes strong.” At the end of the day, politics must also influence the body!<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Srinivasaraju has given adequate space to the recent developments concerning Rahul Gandhi’s conviction in the criminal defamation case by a Surat Metropolitan Magistrate`s Court. The petition had alleged that the speech contained defamatory remarks about Modi’s surname. This allegation was upheld by the court and this led to his disqualification from parliament. Srinivasaraju writes in detail about the haste which all this was done. Srinivasaraju recalls how in 1977, when Indira Gandhi had ceased to be Prime Minister and Member of Parliament after badly losing the election that year, her successor Morarji Desai allotted her a government bungalow at 12 Willingdon Cresent even though as per rules she was not entitled to a government house. Those were different times, as the author says.<figure class="image"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/image_2023_10_09_184357721_1_fdc3fb9c18.png" alt="image_2023-10-09_184357721 (1).png" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_image_2023_10_09_184357721_1_fdc3fb9c18.png 161w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_image_2023_10_09_184357721_1_fdc3fb9c18.png 500w" sizes="100vw" width="500"></figure><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:599px;" id="attachment_24292" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-24292"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-24292">Indira Gandhi With Morarji Desai in 1966</figcaption></figure>A comment is made in the book that Rahul Gandhi should be more careful about what he says in the future. Sugata Srinivasaraju has had a few meetings with Rahul Gandhi which are interesting as they throw light on the spiritual side of his personality which was hitherto unknown. Because of this multifaceted approach to the politics and personality of Rahul Gandhi, “STRANGE BURDENS:THE POLITICS AND PREDICTAMENTS OF RAHUL GANDHI” is a book that should be acknowledged and lauded as one that fills the many gaps that Indian polity and society have in understanding this important current generation politician from an illustrious political family of the country. Certainly, Sugata Srinivasaraju’s account would work as a sort of pocket reference to those who want to follow Rahul Gandhi’s career in public life in the days to come.

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Is Rahul Gandhi an enigma? Many a political commentator would have us believe so. However, everything about him points to the contrary. He often addresses press conferences and faces questions from media persons, in contrast to many other senior politicians including Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Showing How the real Rahul Gandhi is Standing Up

<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Mani Shankar Aiyar has been called many things but the word maverick fits him to a T. As one who never hesitates to shoot his mouth off, he has often landed himself and his party in trouble particularly vis-a-vis Prime Minister Modi.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">His memoir had been in the making for some time now; and it doesn’t disappoint as it is written with his typical gusto. Aiyar gives you a glimpse of his early life – the loss of his father at the tender age of 12, his years in the Doon School, St. Stephens College and Cambridge, and so on.<figure class="image image_resized" style="width:53.71%;"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/Manmohan_singh_2_20181219_350_630_fa142407ab.jpg" alt="Manmohan-singh_2_20181219_350_630.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_Manmohan_singh_2_20181219_350_630_fa142407ab.jpg 196w" sizes="100vw" width="196"></figure><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:400px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_23964" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-23964"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-23964">Mani Shankar Aiyar with former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Although his rank in the Union Public Services Commission (UPSC) Examination gave him the opt of joining the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) he preferred the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) to pursue his ambition of being a diplomat. Getting into the diplomatic corps was not without hiccups. As the Intelligence Bureau, after the mandatory verification of his background, had labeled him a Communist, his attempt turned out to be a bit of a merry-go-round as he had to to meet President S. Radahakrishnan, Home Minister G.L. Nanda and the Special Secretary in the Home Ministry, L.P. Singh (Aiyar’s account of the encounter with him is hilarious). However, after his name was cleared his career got off to a proper start. It fell upon his lot to work in the Indian missions at the European Economic Community in Brussels, Hanoi and Baghdad. In 1978, the Morarji Desai government decided to open a consulate in Karachi and chose Aiyar to head it as Consul General. His experience in this assignment is the most interesting part of his autobiography. He arrived in Karachi in December 1978, on the eve of certain tumultuous events like the declaration of Nizam-e-Mustafa (Rule of the Prophet) by President Zia-ul-Haq on February 01, 1979 and the execution of the former Premier Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto on April 4, 1979.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">The muted reaction of the public to the hanging of Bhutto is well described in the book as also a record of those who had suffered during the autocratic regime of Z.A. Bhutto, which to some extent explains the indifference of Pakistanis, especially those in Karachi, to the hanging of a man who had ruled the country with an iron hand.<figure class="image"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/images_1_69a52fac07.jpeg" alt="images (1).jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_images_1_69a52fac07.jpeg 122w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_images_1_69a52fac07.jpeg 391w" sizes="100vw" width="391"></figure><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:490px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_23963" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-23963"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-23963">Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">During Aiyar’s stay in Karachi, former High Commissioner Rajeshwar Dayal who visited Pakistan, told Aiyar that when he had been heading the mission in Pakistan Ayub Khan visited him in the aftermath of the 1958 coup that brought him to power. Ayub Khan, according to Dayal, offered a solution to the Kashmir dispute by which the existing borders would be left in their status quo position and the future generation would decide its status. This was on the lines of the 1955 agreement between Italy and Austria on South Tyrol. However the proposal never went through as Nehru was fearful of an adverse reaction from the Indian Army Chief General K.S. Thimayya. It is a pity that such a golden chance to settle the dispute was squandered.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">On the subject of Pakistan, Aiyar writes on how the Morarji Desai government had decided to give the Jinnah House in Mumbai to Pakistan _ a decision annulled by Indira Gandhi when she returned to power in 1980. One is left wondering what would have been the trajectory of Indo-Pak relations had this happened.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">The story of how he landed in the Prime Minister’s Office during Rajiv Gandhi`s rule after being the spokesman for the Non-Aligned Movement’s meet in Delhi is undoubtedly interesting. Like many other middle class persons, he was appalled that an Indian Airlines pilot with hardly three years’ experience in politics had been thrust into the top job as Prime Minister, little knowing that he would soon be working with him.<figure class="image"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/408746_1201928_mumbai_jinnah_ho_veranda_1965_fcol_updates_566538c28c.jpg" alt="408746-1201928-mumbai-jinnah-ho-veranda-1965-fcol-updates.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_408746_1201928_mumbai_jinnah_ho_veranda_1965_fcol_updates_566538c28c.jpg 209w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_408746_1201928_mumbai_jinnah_ho_veranda_1965_fcol_updates_566538c28c.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_408746_1201928_mumbai_jinnah_ho_veranda_1965_fcol_updates_566538c28c.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:960px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_23962" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-23962"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-23962">nside the Jinnah House in Mumbai’s Malabar Hill</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">It was through a meeting with Arun Singh, the Parliamentary Secretary in the PMO and a close confidant of the Prime Minister (whom Rajiv called Roon, we learn), that Aiyar landed the appointment as a Joint Secretary in the same office. Aiyar denies that his Doon School and Cambridge link with the Rajiv Gandhi had anything to do with it.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Aiyar describes himself as the “Manager Travels and Tours” in the PMO. He did some speech writing for Rajiv Gandhi as well – he was in the team that drafted Rajiv`s well known speech bemoaning the fact that the party was in the hands of ‘power brokers’ who had to be weeded out. Unfortunately this never happened. Aiyar notes that most of those present at the venue when Rajiv delivered the speech were non-English speaking who applauded him out of formality without understanding the speech and later turned against him when they realised the import of what he had said. It was a pity that an opportunity to change the working of the grand old party was lost before it could be taken up. Probably Gandhi lacked the political experience to do so. He had probably acquired the maturity required later but his life was cut short by his assassination in 1991. <img class="image_resized" style="width:90.6%;" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/images_2_3_49b54cb3ee.jpeg" alt="images-2 (3).jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_images_2_3_49b54cb3ee.jpeg 245w" sizes="100vw" width="245"><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:400px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_23961" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-23961"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-23961">Funeral procession of Rajiv Gandhi</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Writing about Arun Singh and Arun Nehru, both chief advisors of Rajiv Gandhi during his first years in power, Aiyar says both were as different as chalk and cheese. Arun Singh was sophisticated and principled, and Nehru was a typical politician for whom scruples mattered little. Aiyar largely blames Nehru for two things: first, his ‘active role in the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 as Rajiv Gandhi was busy with the funeral arrangements and the other ceremonies connected with the assassinated Prime Minister Indira Gandhi; secondly, his (Nehru`s) role in having the Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi controversy by getting the locks of the disputed structure opened by the local court in Ayodhya in cohorts with the local administration. The internal inquiry ordered by Rajiv Gandhi pointed to Nehru, leading to his exit from the government a few months later. The Ayodhya decision was taken as a reaction to the Muslim Women.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">(Protection of Rights on Divorce) Bill which was passed after the Shah Bano verdict by the Supreme Court. It was a ploy to win over Hindu voters who were perceived to be moving away from the Congress following the Muslim Women Bill, which was portrayed as Muslim appeasement.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Aiyar gives a clean chit to his boss but one remains unconvinced as to why a person like Nehru was given such unlimited powers. The book ends with the author joining active politics in 1989 and his years in the opposition during the V.P. Singh regime and later the Chandra Sehkar government supported by the Congress. Political developments in that period led to the general election of 1991 during which Rajiv Gandhi fell victim to a human bomb. Aiyar has written an interesting memoir, but one can’t help disagreeing with him when he overplays the maverick bit in his writing.

14th-Sep-23-1.jpg

Mani Shankar Aiyar has been called many things but the word maverick fits him to a T. As one who never hesitates to shoot his mouth off, he has often landed himself and his party in trouble particularly vis-a-vis Prime Minister Modi.

Down Memory Lane with a Man with an Acerbic Pen

<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">A review of veteran political journalist Neerja Chowdhury’s recent book ‘How Prime Ministers Decide’<hr><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">This book is a must-read for anyone interested in in-depth information of the politics of India from the late 1970s to the middle of the 2010s. It starts with the post-Emergency elections of 1977 and ends around 2014, when Narendra Modi assumed office as Prime Minister. It gives the reader a wholesome understanding of the shape of Indian politics of this period and its essence.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">In 1977, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi called elections in January when she had no reason to do so – the Emergency regime was running smoothly on the surface; the tenure of the Lok Sabha had been extended (thoroughly unconstitutionally) by another year until 1978; she had given priority to the implementation of her 20-point Programme, which was a ready excuse to continue with her government and she needed time to groom her wayward son Sanjay Gandhi for a larger political role. Yet she took a leap into the dark and called the elections after releasing her opponents from prison. Why did she do it? Neerjah Chowdhury throws light on the possible reasons, mainly zeroing in on the fact that Indira Gandhi felt that she was riding a tiger which she could not dismount and that Sanjay was becoming uncontrollable, especially with his family planning and slum clearance drives.<figure class="image"><img alt="image_2023-08-26_131047634-300x225.png" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/image_2023_08_26_131047634_300x225_fad844112b.png" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_image_2023_08_26_131047634_300x225_fad844112b.png 208w" sizes="100vw" width="208"></figure><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:300px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_23778" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-23778"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-23778">How Prime Ministers Decide by Neerja Chowdhury</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Of the Janata period, the book deals with what was happening inf the Morarji Desai government in those crucial 28 months from 1977 to 1979. The three top guns in the government _ Morarji Desai, Jagajivan Ram and Charan Singh could not get on well together and Charan Singh pulled the rug and brought down the Ministry. Years later, Morarji told me, “but for him (Charan Singh) the government would not have fallen.” Probably he was right; it is unlikely that Jagajivan Ram would have upset the apple cart. A new nugget of this period which appears in the book is that R.K. Dhawan, Indira Gandhi`s ever loyal Personal Secretary, was willing to turn approver before the Shah Commission of inquiry into the Emergency excesses and had contacted the Janata MP Krishan Kant (later Vice President of India) in this context; it was Kant who disabused him of the idea. On the Rajiv Gandhi administration, the author reveals that Sonia Gandhi herself was unconvinced about the Muslim Women`s Bill after the Shah Bano Judgment which was followed by the opening of the locks of the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya, a decision unleashed a chain of events culminating in the destruction of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992. Rajiv Gandhi`s Prime Ministership is given it`s due in the book. The Bofors issue, which ultimately brought about the demise of his government in the 1989 elections, occupies a good part of the portion on Rajiv Gandhi who was described as “Mr. Clean” and later “Mr. Whitewash” in that era! However, the book could have also spared some space to the anti-defection law which Rajiv Gandhi enacted and remains contentious even today. <img alt="image_2023-08-26_132039767-768x432.png" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/image_2023_08_26_132039767_768x432_8b99d022f0.png" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_image_2023_08_26_132039767_768x432_8b99d022f0.png 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_image_2023_08_26_132039767_768x432_8b99d022f0.png 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_image_2023_08_26_132039767_768x432_8b99d022f0.png 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:442px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_23782" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-23782"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-23782">Launch of the book ‘How Prime Ministers Decide’</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">The V.P. Singh regime of 11 months also comes in the chronological order of politics in the volume. The twin problems of Mandal and Mandir, which defined his rule, are covered adequately. As is well known, he decided to implement the Mandal Commission report as a reaction to the threat from the Haryana strongman Devi Lal. Chowdury also traces V.P Singh`s rise to the top job, his “raid raj” as Finance Minister, his shift to the Defence Ministry and his final bid for the top job at the hustings in 1989. He was the only leader to leave the Congress and become Prime Minister in about two years.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Another Prime Minister who occupies substantial space in this work is P.V. Narashima Rao who is described as “The Prime Minister Who Refused to Decide”, an echo of Rao`s well known statement that “not taking a decision is itself a decision” The part on him focuses mainly on the demolition of the Babri Masjid, which was a major event during his Prime Ministership; but the economic liberalisation and other aspects like ending terrorism in Punjab which took place in those years could have had more space.<figure class="image"><img alt="image_2023-08-26_134019662-768x432.png" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/image_2023_08_26_134019662_768x432_a63be2a409.png" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_image_2023_08_26_134019662_768x432_a63be2a409.png 245w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_image_2023_08_26_134019662_768x432_a63be2a409.png 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_image_2023_08_26_134019662_768x432_a63be2a409.png 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750"></figure><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:596px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_23786" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-23786"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-23786">Demolition of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">On Atal Behari Vajpayee, Chowdhury gives a ring side view of his decision to conduct a nuclear test on May 11, 1998. Narashima Rao had backed down on the nuclear decison at the last minute in the winter of 1995, but Vajpayee went ahead mostly because it was something the BJP was committed to. However, he himself had been a peacenik in 1979 as External Affairs Minister! This was when the then Prime Minister Morarji Desai had called a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs to discuss a report by defence expert K. Subrahmanyam to the effect that Pakistan “was only a screwdriver away from the bomb.” Vajpayee had then supported Desai in his contention that India should refrain from going nuclear. This a scoop in the book. Later, Desai told the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission Homi Sethna: “As long as I am Prime Minister I will never permit an experiment”. We were still in the era of the Gandhian ideology. <img class="image_resized" style="width:84.85%;" alt="image_2023-08-26_132833279.png" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/image_2023_08_26_132833279_98270532a4.png" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_image_2023_08_26_132833279_98270532a4.png 220w" sizes="100vw" width="220"><figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);display:block;font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;height:auto;letter-spacing:normal;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;vertical-align:middle;white-space:normal;widows:2;width:650px;word-spacing:0px;" id="attachment_23784" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-23784"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-23784">Indira Gandhi, then Indian prime minister, at Pokhran, the site of India’s first underground nuclear test</figcaption></figure><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">The book mentions the oft-repeated quote that Nehru introduced Vajpayee to Soviet strongman Nikita Krushchev as “India`s future Prime Minister”. However, it must be borne in mind that this has recently been refuted by Vajpayee`s biographer Abhishek Choudhary who has written a serious work on the late BJP Prime Minister. The writer covers most of the main aspects of Vajpayee`s tenure at the helm and, at a personal level, his relationship with Rajkumari Kaul.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Manmomhan Singh`s Prime Ministership goes through Chowdhury`s X-ray as well and he emerges without much criticism. His role in as Finance Minister in Narashima Rao`s Cabinet and the economic liberalisation of 1991 is given its due as also the fact that Narasimha Rao`s first choice was former Reserve Bank Governor I.G. Patel for the Finance Ministry. It transpires that R. Venkataraman, the then President, suggested both I.G. Patel and Manmohan Singh as Finance Minister probables and then when Patel declined the offer, Manmohan Singh was the obvious choice. Also highlighted is Manmohan Singh`s strong stand on the Indo-U.S. civil nuclear deal when he openly made a statement against the Left, which was threatening to withdraw support if his government went ahead with the deal; the book records the developments leading up to Manmohan Singh winning the vote of confidence on July 22, 2008, despite the Left parties’ withdrawal of support. While the books gives Manmohan Singh a thumbs up for his job as Prime Minister she concedes that during his tenurt the high office’s image took a beating owing to the perceived role of 10 Janpath in decision-making. The book does not cover the present Prime Minister Narendra Modi as Chowdhury feels he is still “a work in progress” but in the epilogue she compares him to Indira Gandhi on one aspect: building of a personality cult. But the comparison ends there.<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;">Apart from the few errors, Neerja Chowdhury has done a seminal work about the politics and lives of the Prime Ministers she has covered. It is a book worthy of a journalist of standing, which she is.<hr><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(39, 39, 39);font-family:Manjari;font-size:18px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;line-height:1.7;margin:0px 0px 15px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"> <img alt="KSFE-AD-768x768 (2).jpg" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/KSFE_AD_768x768_2_dd53bedb0f.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_KSFE_AD_768x768_2_dd53bedb0f.jpg 156w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_KSFE_AD_768x768_2_dd53bedb0f.jpg 500w, https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_KSFE_AD_768x768_2_dd53bedb0f.jpg 750w" sizes="100vw" width="750">

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A review of veteran political journalist Neerja Chowdhury’s recent book ‘How Prime Ministers Decide’



A Chronicle of Prime Ministers Down the Years

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‘Abid Hasan Safrani: Netaji ‘s Comrade-in-arms’ (ORIENT BLACK SWAN; Rs.895; 2023 ) is a slim volume put together by Ismat Mehdi and Shehbaz Safrani, presenting a crisp and engaging narration of the illustrious personality who is immortalised by the slogan “Jai Hind”. 

The Importance of Being Abid Hasan Safrani

<img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/Whats_App_Image_2024_05_16_at_11_55_20_770x470_d9ed6f2f28.jpeg" alt="WhatsApp-Image-2024-05-16-at-11.55.20-770x470.jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_Whats_App_Image_2024_05_16_at_11_55_20_770x470_d9ed6f2f28.jpeg 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_Whats_App_Image_2024_05_16_at_11_55_20_770x470_d9ed6f2f28.jpeg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_Whats_App_Image_2024_05_16_at_11_55_20_770x470_d9ed6f2f28.jpeg 750w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><div class="post-body clearfix single-blog-header single-blog-inner blog-single-block blog-details-content" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"><div class="entry-content clearfix" style="box-sizing:border-box;counter-reset:footnotes 0;margin:0px;padding:0px;">BOOK REVIEW of “VIJAYA LAKSHMI PANDIT: A BIOGRAPHY” by MANU BHAGAVAN; PENGUIN ALLEN LANE ;2023; Rs. 999.00<figure class="image image_resized" style="width:50%;"><img style="aspect-ratio:undefined/undefined;" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/Whats_App_Image_2024_05_16_at_11_22_41_210x300_665c7d3696.jpeg" alt="WhatsApp-Image-2024-05-16-at-11.22.41-210x300.jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_Whats_App_Image_2024_05_16_at_11_22_41_210x300_665c7d3696.jpeg 109w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></figure>Keen followers of Indian history, especially the country’s independence struggle and early post-independence days, would remember Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit as an extraordinary woman. A public servant, an ace diplomat and a wonderful speaker she was able to raise India’s prestige in the comity of nations in the ambassadorial assignments she held as well as in the United Nations where she presided over the General Assembly. Marlon Brando called her the woman he admired most in the world. Such was the fame of her brilliance overseas.&nbsp;Writing the foreword to her memoir “The Scope of Happiness” in 1979, Lord Mountbatten India’s last Viceroy had written as follows. “Nan Pandit has represented her country in a number of diplomatic and political posts, but I feel none was more important than that of the Indian High Commissioner in London. It is impossible to measure the immense amount of good she did during her seven years in London, to cement Anglo-Indian relations. Her appointment was a brilliant piece of statesmanship, and won the lasting affection of the British. Not only did they admire her intelligence and graceful but modest charm, but we all loved her for her great sense of fun and quick wit.”This book being reviewed here is a comprehensive biography, which has been written by Manu Bhagvan, a professor of history in Hunter College and the Graduate Center-CUNY who lives in New York City. Born as Sarup at the turn of the twentieth century in 1900, Vijaya Lakshmi (the name she assumed on marriage) had a nickname “Nan” which was given to her by her English governess. She grew up in aristocratic luxury at the house of her father Motilal Nehru, which was known as Anand Bhavan (Abode of Joy). Anand Bhavan was equipped with an indoor swimming pool, gardens, an orchard, horse stables, a riding ring and tennis courts. The kitchen was stocked with the finest china and wines.&nbsp;<figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:781px;" id="attachment_28052" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-28052"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/Mountbattens_with_Gandhi_IND_5298_768x590_3772bbae2a.jpg" alt="Mountbattens_with_Gandhi_IND_5298-768x590.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_Mountbattens_with_Gandhi_IND_5298_768x590_3772bbae2a.jpg 203w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_Mountbattens_with_Gandhi_IND_5298_768x590_3772bbae2a.jpg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_Mountbattens_with_Gandhi_IND_5298_768x590_3772bbae2a.jpg 750w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-28052">Lord and Lady Mountbatten with Mahatma Gandhi, 1947</figcaption></figure>Bhagvan has traced Vijaya Laksmi`s elopement with Syed Husain, the debonair journalist who was living in Anand Bhavan and was running the newspaper “The Independent”, which Motilal Nehru had started. Due to the opposition of the family the marriage was soon annulled and even Mahatma Gandhi opposed her marriage outside her religion. Such was the conservatism that prevailed in those times! Her subsequent marriage to Ranjit Pandit, her participation along with him in the freedom struggle is well recorded in the volume. Ranjit unfortunately died young in 1944.&nbsp;When the Congress formed the government in the provinces according to the Government of India Act, 1935 (the actual formation of the government took place in 1937 after the provincial elections) Nan Pandit was given the portfolios of Local Self Government and Medical and Public Health. The Government was headed by Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant in the United Provinces. Her performance as a Minister was certainly above average and she dealt with the issues in her ministry with the speed of an able administrator. At grave personal risk she tackled the epidemic of cholera in Haridwar during the Kumbh Mela, bringing the situation under control.Post Independence, her achievements as a diplomat are probably the most interesting part of the biography. She presided over the UN General Assembly and was Ambassador to the USSR, America and the United Kingdom. While in the US, Nan Pandit (the author chooses to use her nickname often in the book) received a message from the famed nuclear scientist Robert Oppenheimer who begged India “in the name of humanity” to continue with its policy to abjure from developing atomic weapons and not to succumb to the pressure of the Truman administration, (which ruled USA at that time ), which was bent on developing the hydrogen bomb. Oppenheimer received a positive response from Prime Minister Nehru.Elected to Parliament in 1952 from Lucknow, she functioned as a roving ambassador heading goodwill delegations to various parts of the world including China where she enjoyed a smoke with Mao Zedong! Her meetings with Zhou Enlai were also quite positive. The volume also covers the lives of her three daughters Chandralekha, Nayantara and Rita. Each of them is interesting in their own way. Nayantara, now running 97, is an acclaimed author.&nbsp;<figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:700px;" id="attachment_28053" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-28053"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/Nehru_and_Indira_Gandhi_visit_Einstein_029e0b1869.jpg" alt="Nehru_and_Indira_Gandhi_visit_Einstein.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_Nehru_and_Indira_Gandhi_visit_Einstein_029e0b1869.jpg 196w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_Nehru_and_Indira_Gandhi_visit_Einstein_029e0b1869.jpg 500w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-28053">Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit along with Indira Gandhi and Nehru visit Albert Einstein</figcaption></figure>Early in 1953 Pandit’s name was proposed for the post of Secretary General of the United Nations as the incumbent Secretary General Trygve Lie of Canada had indicated that he was retiring. However, due to American opposition triggered mainly on account of Nehru’s policy of neutralism and non-alignment, the move fell through and Sweden’s Dag Hammarskjold was ultimately elected Secretary General. On 15 September 1953, she was elected President of the United Nations General Assembly.Her performance in this role was such that the New Year`s Gallup Poll in that period declared her the third most admired woman in the world, after Eleanor Roosevelt and then First Lady of the USA ‘Mamie’ Eisenhower. Following this, she had a long tenure -from 1954 to 1961- as High Commissioner to the United Kingdom. The book deals with her run-ins with V.K. Krishna Menon who was otherwise referred to by contemporary writers as a brilliant public figure, which of course he was. Menon, a former High Commissioner kept flying in and out of London keeping Mrs. Pandit out of the loop on most of his diplomatic initiatives. The reader will find some interesting nuggets of the relationship of these two eminent personalities of that era. Menon remained Nehru`s alter ego till his ignominious exit as Defence minister following the military debacle at the hands of China in 1962.Upon her relinquishing charge as High Commissioner, Pandit was in the running for Vice President of India, but it was not to be. She served as Governor of Maharashtra and following Nehru’s death was elected from his Lok Sabha seat of Phulpur to become a member of Parliament. Ignored by her niece Indira Gandhi who became Prime Minister in 1966 following the demise of Lal Bahadur Shastri, Vijaya Lakshmi retired to the Dehradun township.&nbsp;<figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:599px;" id="attachment_24292" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-24292"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/image_2023_10_09_184357721_f0aea09ac0.png" alt="image_2023-10-09_184357721.png" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_image_2023_10_09_184357721_f0aea09ac0.png 161w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_image_2023_10_09_184357721_f0aea09ac0.png 500w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-24292">Indira Gandhi and Morarji Desai in 1966</figcaption></figure>However, after the infamous Emergency of 1975-77, she campaigned for the newly formed opposition Janata Party which emerged victorious in the 1977 elections. She was briefly considered for the post of President of India by the new government of Morarji Desai, but ultimately she did not make it despite the Prime Minister`s backing. The Janata Pary chose veteran politician Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy as President. But she returned to the United Nations one last time to represent India on the Human Rights Commission in the years 1978 and 1979. The Janata government collapsed in mid-1979 and Indira Gandhi returned to power in 1980.&nbsp;Vijaya Lakshmi remained in Dehradun for the years that followed and passed away shortly after turning 90 on 1 December 1990. The book is wonderfully written and fulfils the necessity of an exhaustive biography on Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit. However some critical aspects of her diplomatic career such as her fondness for extravagant living could have added some spice to this thoroughly readable work. Manu Bhagavan has lived up to his scholarly reputation mentioned in the jacket of the book.</div></div>

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A Worthy Life-Record of Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, An Unusual Diplomat and Public Servant

<img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/IMG_20240807_WA_0011_770x470_bc88f473c5.jpg" alt="IMG-20240807-WA0011-770x470.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_IMG_20240807_WA_0011_770x470_bc88f473c5.jpg 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_IMG_20240807_WA_0011_770x470_bc88f473c5.jpg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_IMG_20240807_WA_0011_770x470_bc88f473c5.jpg 750w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><div class="post-body clearfix single-blog-header single-blog-inner blog-single-block blog-details-content" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"><div class="entry-content clearfix" style="box-sizing:border-box;counter-reset:footnotes 0;margin:0px;padding:0px;">The following is the Review of the Book ‘The Jannayak Karpoori Thakur: Voice of the Voiceless’ authored by Santosh Singh and Aditya Anmol (Published: May/2024, Penguin Random House India)&nbsp;<hr>There are many reasons to remember the legendary Indian political leader Karpoori Thakur. However, if one were to single out one reason to highlight his legacy, it would have to be the reservation policy for marginalised classes in the government jobs, a move that dramatically impacted Indian history and the people of the country. Summed up in simple terms Karpoori Thakur’s life could be described as follows: This man born in the nondescript Pitaunjhia village of Samastipur District of Bihar, in the marginalised Nai (barber) community, which had little social clout and had only minuscule presence in the State’s cities and villages, was the original progenitor of the movement for social justice in North India. Bihar became the first state, during Thakur’s second stint as the State chief minister (in 1978), to reserve a 26% quota for the ‘socially disadvantaged’ groups in the jobs.<figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:470px;" id="attachment_29249" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-29249"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/Karpoori_Thakur_2024_stamp_of_India_11db18cb39.jpg" alt="Karpoori_Thakur_2024_stamp_of_India.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_Karpoori_Thakur_2024_stamp_of_India_11db18cb39.jpg 107w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_Karpoori_Thakur_2024_stamp_of_India_11db18cb39.jpg 342w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-29249">Commemorative stamp issued by Department of Posts on the occasion of Karpoori Thakur’s 100th birth anniversary</figcaption></figure>It was a pioneering initiative in many ways. It recognised the heterogeneity among the backward classes at that stage of history itself. The Thakur-led cabinet allocated a 12% quota for the extremely backward classes (EBCs) and 8% for the other backward classes (OBCs). The women and poor among the upper castes got 3% quota each highlighting the inclusive vision of Thakur.<figure class="image image_resized" style="width:50%;"><img style="aspect-ratio:undefined/undefined;" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/images_2024_08_07_T122718_080_300x200_b13065bbbd.jpeg" alt="images-2024-08-07T122718.080-300x200.jpeg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_images_2024_08_07_T122718_080_300x200_b13065bbbd.jpeg 234w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></figure>The enduring legacy of Thakur is evident from the fact that reservation has emerged as a central issue to counter the hydra-headed Hindutva that the ruling Sangh Parivar represents today. If there was one issue that worked for the Congress and Socialists organised under the larger banner of the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) to reduce the Narendra Modiled Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to the minority status in the 18th Lok Sabha, it was the slogan highlighting the ‘threat to the Constitution” that the marginalised sections perceived as a threat to the reservation policy. Moreover, the verdict of the 7-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court on the categorisation of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes has engaged political parties, public intellectuals and policymakers of all hues in analysing its larger implications on India’s polity and society.<figure class="image image_resized" style="width:75%;"><img style="aspect-ratio:undefined/undefined;" src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/9780143467335_825c943499.jpg" alt="9780143467335.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_9780143467335_825c943499.jpg 112w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_9780143467335_825c943499.jpg 360w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"></figure>And, if Karpoori Thakur was the pioneer of the job quota system, The Jannayak Karpoori Thakur: Voice of the Voiceless (Penguin Random House-2024) authored by Santosh Singh and Aditya Anmol is, by all accounts, the best source to understand the gamut of the reservation scheme implemented by the Janata Party government in Bihar 46 years ago.&nbsp;“Pioneering Quota Politics” is, understandably, the largest chapter of the 330 page book. The chapter is comprehensive. It has covered the minute details about the process through which this landmark initiative was moved forward. It elaborates how Karpoori Thakur, despite violent opposition from the upper castes, navigated the legislation through very many obstacles, including the age-old grip of the adherents of the varnashram system on the society as a whole and the stranglehold it had created on the social psyche of that period. The dominant stream of society at that period -and arguably even now – was the Brahmanical society which the Sangh Parivar interprets as ‘Hindu society’ or ‘Sanatan’ society.<figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:1200px;" id="attachment_29247" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-29247"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/IMG_20240807_WA_0010_00299ae598.jpg" alt="IMG-20240807-WA0010.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_IMG_20240807_WA_0010_00299ae598.jpg 184w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_IMG_20240807_WA_0010_00299ae598.jpg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_IMG_20240807_WA_0010_00299ae598.jpg 750w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/large_IMG_20240807_WA_0010_00299ae598.jpg 1000w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-29247">Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar pays floral tribute to Karpoori Thakur, who was posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna, on his birth centenary, in Patna.</figcaption></figure>The Bharatiya Jan Sangh, which was the political instrument of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) led Sangh Parivar till 1977, and was succeeded by the BJP in 1980, was a part of the Thakur led Janata Party government in 1978. Kailashpati Mishra—the pioneer of the Hindutva politics in Bihar—was the finance minister in that government. As the book rightly explains, an otherwise sober and soft-spoken Mishra, opposed many of Thakur’s initiatives. The Congress was in the opposition at that time and for obvious reasons it opposed the then ruling coalition led by Thakur.The book also highlights the ironical and self-contradicting stance of a large number of the upper caste political leaders of that period. A sizable section of them were part of the Socialist stream right from the beginning of their political career or had joined the Janata Party after defecting from other parties. However, they did not understand or imbibe the socialist and revolutionary character of Thakur’s initiative and were found to be visceral in their opposition to the efforts of the leader to strengthen an affirmative action policy as enshrined in the Constitution.Thakur’s initiative was rooted in the larger goal of socialism propounded collectively by Karl Marx, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, B. R. Ambedkar, and Ram Manohar Lohia. But, most of the upper caste leaders in the Janata Party—a conglomeration of anti-Congress parties of that time—opposed Thakur. These leaders coined abusive slogans to rundown Thakur’s pedigree. The book has highlighted all these in a detailed manner.Thakur’s action eventually cost him the Chief Minister’s chair with another Socialist leader belonging to a scheduled caste, Ram Sundar Das replacing him in 1979. Though Das belonged to a scheduled caste, the upper castes were comfortable with him mainly because he guarded their interests vested in varnashram system. The towering exception among the upper caste leaders was Chandra Shekhar, the then President of the Janata Party.<figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:670px;" id="attachment_29248" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-29248"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/17karpoori_thakur1_ad69e236bc.jpg" alt="17karpoori-thakur1.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_17karpoori_thakur1_ad69e236bc.jpg 199w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_17karpoori_thakur1_ad69e236bc.jpg 500w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-29248">Karpoori Thakur, second from right, then the Leader of the Opposition in the Bihar assembly, leads a procession of opposition MLAs to Raj Bhavan to protest against the abrupt adjournment of the Budget session of the assembly. (1986)</figcaption></figure>Why Chandra Shekhar, who went on to become the Prime Minister in 1990, is regarded as “exceptional” is essentially because of his unflinching support to Karpoori Thakur in those cataclysmic times. Wading through the political rough and tumble of that period as well as the mayhem created by some of his own caste-men, including former Bihar Chief Minister Satyendra Narayan Sinha, Chandra Shekhar stood solidly behind Karpoori Thakur. The ‘Adhyaksh ji’, as most of his Socialist contemporaries referred to him, Chandra Shekhar bestowed Thakur with the sobriquet of “Jannayak”.&nbsp;Despite the disintegration of the Janata Party later, the Jannayak salutation is still used among the present generation of democrats and socialists, who follow the political legacy of that historical political party, to refer to Thakur. The book also traces the details of the freedom struggle and farmers movement as well as other agitations and peoples movements against feudalism. This explains the historical setting in which Karpoori Thakur was born and fought his way up through social and political challenges to grow into a mass leader.My only criticism of the book and that is a major one is that it has sought to link Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s personality and initiatives with that of Thakur. The authors have used the current Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s interpretation to draw a parallel between Thakur and Modi, based on the birth of the two leaders as well as their vision and lifestyle. It amounts to oversimplification, which should have been avoided. Of course, the Modi government awarded ‘Bharat Ratna’ posthumously to Thakur ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, providing greater topicality to the book. But comparing the Modi government’s move to award 10% quota to economically weaker sections (EWS) and Modi’s birth in a backward caste with Thakur’s life and worldview hardly adds to the overall value of the book.<figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:992px;" id="attachment_13565" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-13565"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/1619551829_28edittop_e3a00818f2.jpg" alt="1619551829_28edittop.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_1619551829_28edittop_e3a00818f2.jpg 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_1619551829_28edittop_e3a00818f2.jpg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_1619551829_28edittop_e3a00818f2.jpg 750w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-13565">Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Amit Shah at BJP Head Quarters</figcaption></figure>Despite this aberration, I would recommend the book to everyone desirous of understanding the sociology, politics and modern history of Bihar. It provides for light reading adorned with enchanting anecdotes. It is a delight for political reporters as the book has largely been written in a classical reporter’s style. Reading the book, one also gets a bird’s eye view of the 1917 Bolshevik revolution, which led to the formation of the USSR and the myriad people’s movements in Eastern Europe of the early 20th century and beyond.</div></div>

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An Important Resource on India’s Reservation Policy And the Life and Times of Karpoori Thakur

<img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/IMG_20240916_WA_0015_770x470_b097e6e0e4.jpg" alt="IMG-20240916-WA0015-770x470.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_IMG_20240916_WA_0015_770x470_b097e6e0e4.jpg 245w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_IMG_20240916_WA_0015_770x470_b097e6e0e4.jpg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_IMG_20240916_WA_0015_770x470_b097e6e0e4.jpg 750w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><div class="post-body clearfix single-blog-header single-blog-inner blog-single-block blog-details-content" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width:0px;background-color:rgb(255, 255, 255);box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(85, 85, 85);font-family:Manjari;font-size:17px;font-style:normal;font-variant-caps:normal;font-variant-ligatures:normal;font-weight:400;letter-spacing:normal;margin:0px;orphans:2;padding:0px;text-align:left;text-decoration-color:initial;text-decoration-style:initial;text-decoration-thickness:initial;text-indent:0px;text-transform:none;white-space:normal;widows:2;word-spacing:0px;"><div class="entry-content clearfix" style="box-sizing:border-box;counter-reset:footnotes 0;margin:0px;padding:0px;">“Kaun hain ye log (Who are these people)? Kahan se aate hain ye (Where do they come from)?” asks Jagdish Tyagi, Jolly, an advocate, in his concluding argument for prosecution in a case where a billionaire’s son had mowed down a few people sleeping on a pavement. This is a scene is from the “Jolly LLB” movie, released in 2013. The film doesn’t answer this question. As a viewer, I too could not deduce a definitive answer to this poignant query raised in the movie. But recently I read journalist Neha Dixit’s very first book “The Many Lives of Syeda X” ( Juggernaut Publishers , 2024 ) and was able to sense what the answer could be to Jolly LLB’s question.<figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:683px;" id="attachment_29804" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-29804"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/image_123650291_683x1024_1_26234cb5c0.jpg" alt="image_123650291-683x1024-1.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_image_123650291_683x1024_1_26234cb5c0.jpg 104w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_image_123650291_683x1024_1_26234cb5c0.jpg 333w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_image_123650291_683x1024_1_26234cb5c0.jpg 500w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/large_image_123650291_683x1024_1_26234cb5c0.jpg 667w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-29804">Neha Dixit</figcaption></figure>Neha Dixit is an independent journalist, belonging to an increasingly dwindling species of journalists who keep their ear to the ground, pursue and publish people oriented stories and boldly face virulent persecution that follows from the powers that be. In other words a hero of courage and conviction.In the words of senior journalist and writer Sucheta Dalal the work of a journalist is “…investigating, publishing reports – feeling the heat from big business – and then standing by what you write or fighting for it!”, which Neha Dixit exemplifies.Neha Dixit’s journalism has very many instances of the kind of reporting and consequent persecution mentioned by Sucheta Dalal. She wrote a a series of stories on the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 2016 and, she is still facing <a style="background-color:transparent;box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(255, 53, 36);display:inline-block;margin:0px;padding:0px;transition:0.4s;" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://www.newslaundry.com/2022/02/07/process-is-the-punishment-neha-dixit-on-her-5-year-legal-battle-over-her-outlook-reportage">court cases</a>, <a style="background-color:transparent;box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(255, 53, 36);display:inline-block;margin:0px;padding:0px;transition:0.4s;" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://www.ibtimes.co.in/indian-journalist-stalked-months-received-rape-death-threats-fir-lodged-details-832571">has been stalked, and have received rape and death threats.</a>Since 2014, when a substantially large percentage of journalists in India, more so in the Hindi-speaking States, actively sought comfort, security, and a hassle-free life opting out of the risks and tribulations that journalists often face after doing stories disconcerting to the government or establishment, Neha decided to pursue independent journalism, giving media space to the human voices who normally do not find figure in the mainstream media.“The Many Lives of Syeda X” is an expansive book that is the result of many years of painstaking research on the ground. Syeda is a Muslim woman born in Varanasi in a weaving family who got married at a young age. Syeda was born in the 70s and by the time she became an adult, India’s economic horizons had witnessed the dawn of economic liberalization. The book traces Syeda’s life and journey over the years. Syeda’s life has strong resemblances to the travails of <a style="background-color:transparent;box-sizing:border-box;color:rgb(255, 53, 36);display:inline-block;margin:0px;padding:0px;transition:0.4s;" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/ht-insight/economy/union-budget-2024-empowering-unorganised-workers-101706708020962.html">43.99 crore</a> people employed in informal employment in India. Herein lies the importance of this book.<figure class="wp-caption aligncenter" style="border-width:0px;box-sizing:border-box;clear:both;display:block;height:auto;margin:15px auto;max-width:100%;padding:0px;vertical-align:middle;width:720px;" id="attachment_29805" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-29805"><img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/Screenshot_20240916_195247_Twitter2_e39e98f63f.jpg" alt="Screenshot_20240916_195247_Twitter2.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_Screenshot_20240916_195247_Twitter2_e39e98f63f.jpg 158w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_Screenshot_20240916_195247_Twitter2_e39e98f63f.jpg 500w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text" style="box-sizing:border-box;display:block;font-size:15px;line-height:20px;margin:0px;padding:12px 0px 0px;text-align:center;" id="caption-attachment-29805">Promotional poster for the launch of the book (Source: Neha Dixit/X)</figcaption></figure>Syeda, barely educated with little schooling, married at 15 to young Akmal, a skillful weaver in his teens. Still in her early 20s, she leaves Varanasi for Delhi with her husband and three children, two sons and a daughter. Akmal’s family had migrated from a neighbouring district of Varanasi to make handloom sarees in the temple town, popularly known as “Banarasi sarees”.The family lost everything in a riot that followed the 1992 demolition of the Babri Masjid. Devoid of any employment opportunity and facing the district administration’s high-handedness, Akmal, a skillful artisan who, like Syeda, had little formal education, decided to leave Varanasi for good for a more peaceful existence. Syeda, Akmal, and her three children landed in Delhi to become the people Jolly LLB referred to in his concluding argument in the movie mentioned earlier.Slum-like settlements are a feature of every big city in India. Alongside a railway line, under big flyovers, or the sides of large-open drainage flowing through a metro city, one can easily spot a dense row of crudely, frugally built housing settlements, housing people employed as informal workers that make a city function. They work as housemaids, manual labourers who deliver heavy loads to small godowns or warehouses, workers who make parts of small industries, categorized as MSME, or invisible workforce of the global retailing giants, selling expensive, branded sneakers or clothes. If you are also ignorant about or oblivious to the aspirations, ambitions, hardships, or any other aspect of their lives, look no further than this excellent book.Neha’s writing is lucid. Her writing holds attention and engages. Events are known and relatable. You would have met people who closely resemble the book’s characters. You will feel connected to the stories because they are about people and their lives that we have seen or have come across from time to time, but have not realised the exact nature of their existence.<img src="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/Screenshot_20240916_195300_Twitter2_b1aadf1ec5.jpg" alt="Screenshot_20240916_195300_Twitter2.jpg" srcset="https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/thumbnail_Screenshot_20240916_195300_Twitter2_b1aadf1ec5.jpg 117w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/small_Screenshot_20240916_195300_Twitter2_b1aadf1ec5.jpg 374w,https://strapi.bangalore2.com/uploads/medium_Screenshot_20240916_195300_Twitter2_b1aadf1ec5.jpg 561w," sizes="100vw" width="undefined" height="undefined">The Baranasi in me, the most vocal and identifiable part of me, waited for Syeda to win and become a hero. Had this been fiction, that could have been a natural ending for the book. But, we live in a cruel world where we struggle every day to prove our worth, and strive not to be judged by our mistakes, and to be accepted with all our imperfections as a human being, even if for a little while.Towards the end, like everyone else, we also see Neha too turning away from Syeda. It ached my heart to see Syeda, a fellow Banarasi, treated this way. But, overall “ The Many Lives of Syeda X” is an emphatic statement of empathy to Syeda and her ilk and a salutation for her resolve, selflessness, and commitment. It is a book that should not be missed, for it gives an opportunity to understand and identify with the lives of the poor and the marginalised in our country.</div></div>

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